सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

A Planning Commission study suggests Gujarat’s poor social sector performance has more to do with governance

By Rajiv Shah 
A recent Planning Commission-sponsored study, “Refining State Level Comparisons in India”, by Pranjul Bhandari, who works as economist at the Office of the Chief Economic Advisor in the Ministry of Finance, Government of India, has found that a “refined” analysis of the performance across 21 major states suggests that Gujarat ranks 16th in health, 14th in education and 11th in infrastructure. The analysis is already creating flutter against the backdrop of the claim by those favouring Gujarat’s neoliberal model, that state’s alleged poor performance in the social sector is more an outcome of “fudged” figures, dished out by the Government India’s different ministries.
The “refined” analysis for comparing states is considered a new and a more scientific methodology, adopted in order to find out how well states perform given the availability of resources at their disposal. It differs from the “raw” analysis, under which Gujarat ranked 12th in health, 10th in education and 6th in infrastructure among 21 major states.
For the sake of convenience, Bhandari has sought to confine her analyze across just three critical sectors – health, education and infrastructure. Explaining her new methodology, she says, “Our ‘raw’ results conform with the already well-established findings of several other studies that states such as Kerala are amongst the best performing while the so-called BIMARU states (Bihar, MP, Rajasthan and UP) are laggards. While this is true on an absolute level, it does not reveal the performance conditional on state level factors”, the economist insists, pointing towards the need to “refine this analysis”.

To provide a refined analysis, the economist seeks to “control” the three indices for per capita consumption to “put the states on a level playing field and for gauging how well the states have used available resources”, to quote her. She says, “Our ‘refined’ analysis throws up rankings which are quite different from the ‘raw’ analysis. For instance, we find clear differentiation between the BIMARU states – while Orissa, Bihar and Chhattisgarh are amongst the best performers, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan and Jharkhand are amongst the worst. While the performance of Himachal Pradesh has been most impressive, Gujarat is amongst the worst on health, Maharashtra on infrastructure, and Haryana on both.”

The economist says, “The comparative performance of individual states has become an important area of research for a number of reasons. Given the well-known regional disparities in India, a study of parts (i.e. the states) becomes important if the sum of parts (i.e. the country) needs to progress in a balanced way. Also, a study of states throws up successful experiments and examples which can be replicated or adapted by other states. Issues at the state level are increasingly dictating election outcomes both at the centre and the states, making this study important for the political class as well.”
She further says, each of the sectors she has chosen is “complex”, and “given the sheer size of resources needed for scale up, each of these three needs effort from both the public and private sectors. The public sector for instance not only needs to provide resources, but also create a policy environment conducive for scale-up.” Given this framework, she adds, “We try to analyze the long term performance of states in the provision of health and education services as well as infrastructure. We rank the states and gauge if performance across the three sectors are correlated or divergent. We compare states for both absolute performance as well as for performance after controlling for consumption levels.”
Explaining her “refined” analysis, the economist says, the performance after controlling for consumption levels “can be associated with governance – how well the resources at the state’s disposal have been used for progress in the critical sectors of health, education and infrastructure… What we do here is to control for per capita consumption before analyzing or ranking performance. This puts the states on a level playing field before comparisons are made. For instance, Bihar’s underperformance on many fronts could partly be explained by lower resources at its disposal which makes it difficult for the state to invest more on health and education. Our analysis controls for this factor while evaluating the state’s performance in delivering key services.”
Raw comparison of states: For raw analysis, the economist makes three separate indices (for health, education and infrastructure), each of which combine several widely used and publicly available variables that are available across states. In all, 21 major states are covered. For health, the economist uses both input (e.g. immunization) and output (e.g. infant mortality rate) variables. For education, she uses variables which reflect both the quantity (e.g. net enrolment rate) as well as quality (e.g. reading level for enrolled children). As for infrastructure, it is divided across sectors, such as agriculture, electricity and transportation, to ensure that the main sectors are included.
The raw analysis entails the following steps – first, the economist gets a complete data set of all the variables across the 21 states. Then, the data are stratified and a ranking is given in accordance with performance. For instance, in health ranking, higher institutional deliveries are better and the data is left as is. But higher infant mortality rate is worse, therefore the inverse of IMR is taken.
In the raw analysis following rankings are observed:In the first tier are Kerala, Goa, Himachal, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Haryana, who are found to be the best performers. However, performance of Maharashtra in infrastructure and that of Haryana in health is found to be markedly poor.
The second tier states comprise West Bengal, Uttarakhand, Karnataka, Andhra, Gujarat, J&K and Orissa. They are considered “medium performers”. Orissa stands out for worse performance on infrastructure, compared to its performance in health and education.
The third tier states comprising Rajasthan, Assam, MP, Chhattisgarh, UP, Bihar and Jharkhand are the laggards, mostly comprising of the BIMARU states.
“The rank correlation between the three indices is high, ranging from 81% to 88%, implying similarities in performance across health, education and infrastructure”, the economist says, adding, “Of the three correlations, the one between health and education is the highest. The rank correlation between each of the three indices and monthly per capita consumption expenditure (MPCE; source: NSSO, 2009/10) is also high, ranging between 80% and 87%. While these are simple associations and not causal relations, they suggest that higher growth and income are associated with better health, education and infrastructure status. “
Refined comparison of states: The economist believes that while the “analysis above is insightful, it only reiterates the well known fact that states like Kerala have done well on health and education, while the BIMARU states have been laggards. States with lower resources at their disposal are likely to underperform.” Hence the need for a refined analysis, “by creating a level playing field before comparing states”.
She explaining the “refined” analysis method, she says, “We adjust the three indices created for monthly per capita consumption (MPCE). Although gross domestic product (GDP) per capita and consumption per capita broadly measure the same thing and are tightly correlated (with a correlation coefficient of 90%), consumption has the benefits of reflecting the actual purchasing power and including income generated from outside the state (i.e. inter state remittances).” Hence, the economist calculates “state-wise MPCE by taking a population weighted average of rural and urban MPCE for each state. Population statistics are taken from the Census 2011, and rural and urban MPCE from NSSO 2009/10.”
She further explains, ”MPCE works well for health and education as both are household decisions to a large extent. While it could be argued that GDP per capita should be used for infrastructure, we continue to use MPCE because … using MPCE for each of the three sectors is important for doing a comparable analysis.”
The ‘refined’ analysis throws up the following observations:
Good performers – Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Orissa, Tamil Nadu and Bihar have been the best performers across all the three sectors. West Bengal and Chattisgarh have also been amongst the best off states.
Laggards – Uttarakhand, Rajasthan, J&K and Jharkhand have been laggards across all the three sectors.
Average performers – The remaining middle ranking states have varied performance. Goa, Punjab and Karnataka have done well in health and infrastructure, but underperformed in education. On the other hand, Haryana, Andhra, Gujarat, Assam, MP, UP and Maharashtra have each underperformed in two of the three sectors have been analyzed.
The economist says, “We also rank the states across health, education and infrastructure based on the residuals. The rank correlations between them have fallen to the 25% to 50% range (46% between health and education; 25% between education and infrastructure; 50% between infrastructure and health) compared to the 80% to 87% range in the raw analysis. This was expected given that we have now controlled for consumption which could have been directly or indirectly driving some of the similarities in rankings in the raw analysis.”
Clearly, the rankings of many states change when the indices are refined. “Thus, Bihar, Orissa and Chattisgarh have risen sharply in rankings across all the three sectors. Relative ranking of Jharkhand has also improved but it remains a laggard state. Haryana and Uttarakhand have fallen in rankings across all the three sectors. Gujarat, Punjab and Maharashtra have also slipped in ranks in the refined analysis”, the economist concludes.

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

અમદાવાદ પોલિસ કમિશનરનું જાહેરનામું: નાગરિક સ્વાતંત્ર્ય પર તરાપ મારવાની પ્રક્રિયાનો એક ભાગ

- હેમંતકુમાર શાહ  અમદાવાદના પોલિસ કમિશનરનું લોકશાહી વિરોધી વધુ એક પગલું ચૂંટણી ટાણે જોવા મળ્યું છે.   તા. ૧૬-૦૪-૨૦૨૪ના રોજ તેમણે એક જાહેરનામું બહાર પાડીને ફોજદારી કાર્યવાહી અધિનિયમ-૧૯૭૩ની કલમ-૧૪૪ આખા શહેરમાં લાગુ કરી જણાવ્યું છે કે "કોઈ પણ પ્રચારપ્રસાર રેલી દરમ્યાન કોઈ એ કાળા વાવટા ફરકાવવા નહિ કે ઉશ્કેરણીજનક બેનર કે પ્લે કાર્ડ બતાવવું નહિ અથવા કોઈ વિરોધમાં ઉશ્કેરણીજનક સૂત્રોચ્ચાર કરવો નહિ."