सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Gujarat’s poorer sections forced to spend higher amount on essential food items


Purchasing power of 20% poorest sections in rural areas (in Rs)
By Rajiv Shah 
Gujarat’s people, especially the poor, stand vis-a-vis other states with regard to their purchasing power. The latest National Sample Survey Organisation report, released in late February 2014, gives some indication.
A comparison of poverty levels of 17 major Indian states in the latest National Sample Survey (NSS) report, “Level and Pattern of Consumer Expenditure, 2011-12”, has suggested that Gujarat ranks No 8th in purchasing power among the poorest 20 per cent of the rural population and No sixth in purchasing power among the poorest 20 per cent of the urban population. Released in February 2014, the report, based on the survey which was carried out from mid-2011 to mid-2012, suggests that the spending capacity of 20 per cent of Gujarat’s population is less than Rs 993 per capita per month in the rural areas, and Rs 1449 per capita per month in the urban areas.
Purchasing power of 20% poorest sections in urban areas (in Rs)
Identifying purchasing power as monthly per capita consumer expenditure (MPCE), the report has found that the spending capacity of the poorest 20 per cent of strata of as many as seven states was higher than that of Gujarat – Punjab tops the list in the rural areas with a purchasing power of up to Rs 1,378, followed by Kerala (Rs 1,327), Haryana (Rs 1,307), Andhra Pradesh (Rs 1,138), Maharashtra (Rs 1,039), Rajasthan (Rs 1,022), and Tamil Nadu (Rs 1,003). As for the urban areas, the poorest 20 per cent of strata of five states display a higher spending capacity than Gujarat – here, Haryana tops the list with Rs 1,735, followed by Maharashtra (Rs 1,652), Punjab (Rs 1,518), Andhra Pradesh (Rs 1,509) and Kerala (Rs 1,464).
Average monthly per capita expenditure (in Rs)
The report has also found that the top 20 per cent of the rural population of six out of 17 major states has a better purchasing power capacity than Gujarat. Thus, Gujarat’s 20 per cent of the rural strata spends more than Rs 1,924 per capita per month, which is lower than Andhra Pradesh (Rs 2,149), Haryana (Rs 2,814), Kerala (Rs 3,118), Maharashtra (Rs 1,960), Punjab (Rs 2,845), and Tamil Nadu (Rs 2,150). As for the urban areas, Gujarat’s top 20 per cent of the richest 20 per cent strata has the spending capacity of Rs 3,256 per capita per month or more, which is less than seven other states – Andhra Pradesh (Rs 3,600), Haryana (Rs 4,419), Karnataka (Rs 3,580), Kerala (Rs 4,086), Maharashtra (Rs 3,907), Punjab (Rs 3,651), Tamil Nadu (Rs 3,411), and West Bengal (Rs 3,435).
A further comparison between the 17 states, for which the NSS report has given separate data, suggests that the average MPCE of Gujarat in the rural areas is Rs 1,536, which is lower than eight other states – Andhra Pradesh (Rs 1,754), Haryana (Rs 2,176), Karnataka (Rs 1,561), Kerala (Rs 2,669), Maharashtra (Rs 1,619), Punjab (Rs 2,345), Rajasthan (Rs 1,598), and Tamil Nadu (Rs 1,693). The all-India average for rural MPCE is Rs 1,430, which is less than Gujarat’s. As for the urban areas, as many as eight states have higher MPCE than Gujarat (Rs 2,581). These are – Andhra Pradesh (Rs 2,685), Haryana (Rs 3,817), Karnataka (Rs 3,026), Kerala (Rs 3,408), Maharashtra (Rs 3,189), Punjab (Rs 2,797), Tamil Nadu (Rs 2,622), and West Bengal (Rs 2,591). The all-India average is Rs 2,630.
Per cent spending on food items in rural areas
Lower the spending capacity, the higher you tend to spend on food. Thus, in the rural areas, 55 per cent of the MPCE goes into food items, which is higher than the national average of 53 per cent. Rural households of only poorer states tend to spend a higher proportion than Gujarat, such as Assam (61 per cent), Bihar (59 per cent), Jharkhand (58 per cent), West Bengal (58 per cent) and Odisha (57 per cent). As for Gujarat’s urban households, their 45 per cent of the MPCE on an average goes into food items, which is again higher than the national average of 43 per cent. The MPCE of only poorer states is higher than Gujarat’s – Assam 48 per cent, Bihar 51 per cent, Jharkhand 47 per cent, and so on.
Gujarat’s poorer sections, obviously, tend to spend a higher amount on food items than the richer sections. Thus, the poorest 20 per cent of the state’s rural population spends 62 per cent and urban population spends 57 per cent of the total expenditure on food items. This is against the richest five per cent the population spending 37 per cent of its total expenditure on food items in the rural areas, and 29 per cent of its total expenditure on food items in the urban areas. The poorer sections of rural Gujarat spend a higher percentage of expenditure on food items compared to only few Bimaru states such as Assam (64 per cent) and Bihar (64 per cent). The situation is not very different with urban areas – Bihar’s poorest 30 per cent spends 61 per cent of total expenditure on food items. The respective figure for Jharkhand is 58 per cent, Odisha 59 per cent and UP 59 per cent.
Per cent spending on food items in urban areas
Giving a general idea of inter-state comparisons on purchasing power, the NSS report comments, “Urban MPCE was lowest in Bihar (Rs 1,507). No other major State had urban MPCE below Rs 1860. Two other major States had average MPCE below Rs 2000 – Chhattisgarh (Rs 1,868) and Odisha (Rs 1,941). In Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, average MPCE was between Rs 2010 and Rs 2060.” It adds, “While average urban MPCE was higher than average rural MPCE across the major states, the urban-rural difference varied widely across states.”
Pointing out that “average urban MPCE was only 19 per cent higher than average rural MPCE in Punjab, only 28 per cent higher than average rural MPCE in Kerala, and only 34% higher in Bihar”, the report states, “In West Bengal and Jharkhand, on the other hand, average urban MPCE was around double the average of rural MPCE. In Maharashtra, per capita expenditure in the urban sector was 97 per higher than in the rural, and in Karnataka and Odisha, it was 94 per cent higher. It underlines, “States with higher rural MPCE than the all-India average tended to have urban MPCE above the all-India average as well. Exceptions were Gujarat, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu, where MPCE was above the all-India average in the rural sector but below the all-India average in the urban sector.”
The report further said, “The median level of rural MPCE was about Rs 1200 – half the rural population belonged to households with MPCE below this level. In urban India the median level of MPCE was about Rs 2020 – half the urban population had MPCE below this level.” Then, “Roughly 64.9 per cent of the rural population of India had MPCE below the rural average of Rs 1430 and 66.7 per cent of the urban population had MPCE below the urban average of Rs 2630.” It adds, “Over 20 per cent of the rural population of India had MPCE below Rs 850 and nearly 30 per cent had MPCE below Rs 960. Less than 20 per cent had MPCE above Rs 1800 and about 10 per cent had MPCE above Rs 2300.”
The report comments, “More than 10 per cent of the urban population of India had MPCE below Rs 1000. More than 30 per cent had MPCE below Rs 1500. Less than 20 per cent had MPCE above Rs 3400, and about 10 per cent had MPCE above Rs.4600. More than 50 per cent of the rural population of Odisha had MPCE below Rs 900 and more than 40 per cent had MPCE below Rs 820. In Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh 40 per cent of the rural population had MPCE below Rs.840 and 50 per cent had MPCE below Rs 940. In Kerala and Punjab more than 50 per cent of the rural population had MPCE above Rs 1,950 and more than 30 per cent had MPCE above Rs.2500. More than 40 per cent of the urban population of Bihar and Chhattisgarh had MPCE below Rs.1200, compared to less than 10 per cent in Haryana, Maharashtra, Punjab and Kerala.”

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

અમદાવાદ પોલિસ કમિશનરનું જાહેરનામું: નાગરિક સ્વાતંત્ર્ય પર તરાપ મારવાની પ્રક્રિયાનો એક ભાગ

- હેમંતકુમાર શાહ  અમદાવાદના પોલિસ કમિશનરનું લોકશાહી વિરોધી વધુ એક પગલું ચૂંટણી ટાણે જોવા મળ્યું છે.   તા. ૧૬-૦૪-૨૦૨૪ના રોજ તેમણે એક જાહેરનામું બહાર પાડીને ફોજદારી કાર્યવાહી અધિનિયમ-૧૯૭૩ની કલમ-૧૪૪ આખા શહેરમાં લાગુ કરી જણાવ્યું છે કે "કોઈ પણ પ્રચારપ્રસાર રેલી દરમ્યાન કોઈ એ કાળા વાવટા ફરકાવવા નહિ કે ઉશ્કેરણીજનક બેનર કે પ્લે કાર્ડ બતાવવું નહિ અથવા કોઈ વિરોધમાં ઉશ્કેરણીજનક સૂત્રોચ્ચાર કરવો નહિ."

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.