सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Advent of female village leaders: women asserting in meetings up by 25%

By Moin Qazi*
“Each time a woman stands up for herself, without knowing it possibly, without claiming it, she stands up for all women” ― Maya Angelou
In her opening address to the United Nations World Conference on Women , Aung San Suu Kyi had said: “There is an outmoded Burmese proverb still recited by men who wish to deny that women too can play a part in bringing necessary change and progress to their society: ‘The dawn rises only when the rooster crows.’ But Burmese people today are well aware of the scientific reasons behind the rising of dawn and the falling of dusk. And the intelligent rooster surely realizes that it is because dawn comes that it crows and not the other way round.”
How true it is for rural India. Its women are now heralding the dawn and the roosters are waking up to the new socioeconomic and political revolution that is emerging in the countryside. Women throughout India are ensuring that roads are repaired, electricity is brought to their villages, schools are built, toilets are installed, water sources are made safe, medical services are available, local savings groups are formed, and the list goes on and on. When put in charge, women in India have shown they are better than men at providing public good witch have greater priority for the community.
The harbinger of this social change is a seismic innovation of modern democracy by which women have been given reservation in the village councils. In 1993 India introduced Panchayati Raj (Village Government) Act, a constitutional amendment which stipulated that village councils needed to reserve one-third of their seats, and one-third of their council leader positions, for women .The vision was that those female-headed councils would bring greater transparency and better governance in their villages . As a byproduct, women’s status and that of girls might improve.
Having women as at least one-third of all local elected representatives are beginning to transform gender relations and strike at the deeply entrenched patriarchal system. Old prejudices are dissolving and new partnerships between women and men are developing. For example, one man from Maharashtra who works with women Panchayat leaders said: “I realized when I started working with these women leaders that I needed to begin my work at home.” He has started to view his relationship with his wife as a partnership and has begun doing household chores–something he never imagined he would do. Earlier women representatives were often perceived as puppets of men. Yet, women Panchayat leaders say that “women are beginning to cut those [puppet] strings.” They are furrowing the age old trunks of gender biased customs and mores.
Though the evidence base for the results of work on women’s political empowerment is badly underdeveloped despite more than 20 years of such work in close to 100 countries, we have some clue to common questions on the ability of these women. How is Panchayati Raj working in India? Are women sarpanchs (chief councilors or heads) still remote-controlled by their husbands or male relatives? Do women leaders really have the power to change things in their villages? The paradox of the new experiment was rooted in the attempted imposition of a modern democratic ethos on an entrenched feudal culture, which articulates itself in various ways.
The new role models the legislation created did have a dramatic impact on families and younger women in large parts of the hinterland. This innovation, writes Ms Iris Bohnet of Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, in her book “What Works: Gender Equality by Design”, showed that “the act of seeing women lead increased women’s self-confidence and their willingness to compete in male-dominated domains, and it changed men’s and women’s beliefs about what an effective leader looked like.”
With the advent of female village leaders, the likelihood that a woman spoke up in a village meeting increased by 25 per cent. Villagers who had been exposed to at least two female chiefs in West Bengal overcame their initial bias against women as leaders and rated male and female leaders equally. Exposure to a female leader makes voters realize that women have the ability to lead effectively. Successful and effective women leaders have improved perceptions of female leaders’ effectiveness and led to electoral gains for women in future, unreserved elections.
In Wanoja village in Chandrapur district, the sharp tongued Chanda Buradkar was a firebrand right from her early days. Her voice was not the only voice raised in the village. But his was surely the loudest and most persistent, and — cumulatively — the most persuasive. She was such a zealous believer in the empowerment theory that she tramped through almost all the villages with me to demonstrate the creative potential of poor rural women in governance and resource management .A lot of women (sometimes backed by family support) harbouring aspirations to positions of power, have enthusiastically fought elections and emerged winners. Transcending their ascribed roles, they have dispelled the myth that women are good just for homes. They have refused to succumb to the pressures, and have successfully brought about changes in their community.
She ran for village chief five years ago at the behest of large numbers of supporters. She proudly lists her achievements since taking office: encouraging parents to welcome baby girls into their families, getting more girls into school, purging the local society of vices like alcoholism and gambling and decreasing the size of dowries if people don’t want to totally shun them.
But obstacles to the realization of the transformative potential are many. There is still tremendous resistance to devolution of funds from centres of (male) power to the periphery.
Full gender parity requires consistent policy support. it will take long to undo the entrenched biases and skewed gender balance on account of age old patriarchal mores. Patriarchal currents running through rural lives and institutions have proved far more influential and persistent than any law or policy. Gender inequality is usually enforced by a set of biased and deeply entrenched social codes and traditions against women’s participation in public life. Interventions that plan to rupture these biases must be focused on the variety of interrelated institutions (political, legal, religious, and social) that have established – and continue to reaffirm – the patriarchal ideology.
There is enough evidence in the truism of what society has been told for centuries: women are supposed to work twice as hard as men, for half the reward. This is still an unequal world. But women are freer than they have ever been to build independent lives, to refuse to be shamed into lives they did not choose. They can’t ‘have it all’ when the system is broken. It’s time and beyond time for women to start asking what else they want- starting, perhaps, with a fairer deal.
Panchayat Raj reminds us of a central truth: power is not something people give away. It has to be negotiated, and sometimes wrested from those who have remained unvanquished even by the tide of political storms. Enshrining political change within the law has forced both the pace and direction of such change.
Village women’s struggle for empowerment and participation in India’s growth, in the face of heavy odds, has been a revolutionary saga. Surprisingly, the media and the public intellectuals, who have been so strongly and convincingly gunning for transparency at the higher levels, missed the enormous grassroots movement that is not only reducing the trust deficit but imbuing the grassroots public institutions with greater transparency and stronger governance. But many of these women have elbowed their way into the narrow bandwidth clogged with political stories. For poor women, it is a journey towards the second Freedom or the real Freedom, as Mahatma Gandhi said when he talked of the unfinished agenda at the time of independence.
Men may fret that when women win, they lose — but the lesson of history is that when women advance, humanity advances.
*Development expert

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

0 - प्रमोद रंजन  भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

રામનવમીના દિવસે મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને વિસ્તારોને અસામાજિક તત્વોથી રક્ષણ આપવી

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  પોલિસ મહાનિદેશક, ગુજરાત, ને આવનારા રામનવમીના તહેવારમાં નીકળતા જુલૂસમાં આવતા અસામાજિક તત્વોથી મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને મુસ્લિમ વિસ્તારોના રક્ષણ બાબત પત્ર:  આપ જાણો છો કે આવનારી 17મી એપ્રિલ ના રોજ રામનવમીનો તહેવાર છે. પાછલા વર્ષોના અનુભવ દ્વારા આપણે જાણીએ છીએ કે હિન્દુ ધાર્મિક તહેવારો મુસ્લિમોને હેરાન કરવા અને તેમના ધાર્મિક સ્થળો તેમજ દુકાનો મકાનોને નુકસાન કરવા માટેના માધ્યમ બની ગયા છે. 

सुप्रीम कोर्ट का चिकित्सा की दुनिया में बाबाओं की मनमानी को रोकने का प्रयास सराहनीय

- राम पुनियानी*  पिछले कुछ दशकों में भारत में कई बाबाओं का उदय हुआ है. इसके पहले भी बाबा हुआ करते थे मगर इन दिनों बाबाओं का जितना राजनैतिक और सामाजिक दबदबा है, उतना पहले शायद कभी नहीं रहा. कई बाबा अनेक तरह के काले कामों में लिप्त भी पाए गए हैं मगर उनकी दैवीय छवि के चलते उनके अपराधों को नज़रअंदाज़ किया जाता रहा है. 

18થી નાની ઉંમરના 1,15,129 બાળકો શાળા બહાર? વાસ્તવિક આંકડો 15-20 ગણો વધું

- સુખદેવ પટેલ*  16 એપ્રિલથી સમગ્ર ગુજરાતમાં શાળા બહારના 6 થી 19 વર્ષની ઉંમરના બાળકોનો સર્વે શરૂ થયો છે.  જે 26 એપ્રિલ સુધી ચાલશે. જેની જવાબદારી સરકારી શાળાના શિક્ષકોને સોંપવામાં આવી છે. અત્યારે પ્રાથમિક શાળાઓમાં વાર્ષિક પરીક્ષાઓ ચાલી રહી છે. લોકસભાની ચૂંટણીઓના કામ પણ શિક્ષકોને ભાગે કરવાના આવશે. શિક્ષકો કેટલું કરી શક્શે? શિક્ષકો પાસેથી વ્યાજબી રીતે કેટલી અપેક્ષાઓ રાખવી જોઈએ? RTE ની જોગવાઈઓ મુજબ દરેક બાળક શિક્ષણ મેળવી શકે, તે માટે શાળા બહારના બાળકોને સર્વે કરીને શોધી કાઢવાનું ઉમદા કામ સરકાર વિચારે છે, તે આવકારદાયક છે. આવાં ઉત્તમ કામમાં જેમને સીધો લાભ થવાનો છે,  તેવાં હિતધારકોની પ્રતિનિધિ સમિતિ SMC સ્કૂલ મેનેજમેન્ટ કમિટી આ જવાબદારી સારી રીતે ઉપાડી શકે તેમ છે. શિક્ષણ વિભાગ SSA તરફથી આ કામગીરીમાં SMC ની ભાગીદારીનું આયોજન કરીને યોગ્ય માર્ગદર્શિકા તૈયાર કરવી જોઈએ.

ई.वी.एम. के खिलाफ सत्याग्रह क्यों? मतपत्र वापस लाना आज क्यों ज़रूरी हो गया है?

- संदीप पाण्डेय*  चुनाव का पारा चढ़ रहा है और राजनीतिक दल प्रचार में जोर-शोर से लग गए हैं लेकिन चुनाव की घोषणा के बाद भी एक मुद्दा जो ठण्डा होने का नाम नहीं ले रहा है वह है इलेक्ट्रॉनिक वोटिंग मशीन व उसके साथ लगा हुआ वोटर वेरीफायेबल पेपर ऑडिट ट्रेल। सरकार में बैठे हुए व भारतीय जनता पार्टी से जुड़े हुए लोगों के अलावा आम जनता के मन में बड़े पैमाने पर इ.वी.एम. व वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के प्रति संदेह घर कर गया है। हरदोई, उन्नाव व सीतापुर के आम अनपढ़ ग्रामीण आपको बताएंगे कि इ.वी.एम. जो मत वे डालते हैं उन्हें नहीं मालूम वह कहां चला जाता है? सीतापुर की महमूदाबाद तहसील के चांदपुर-फरीदपुर गांव के बनारसी बताते हैं कि पिछले चुनाव में उन्होंने इ.वी.एम. पर हाथी का बटन दबाया था किंतु वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के शीशे में कमल का चिन्ह दिखाई पड़ा इसलिए उन्हें इ.वी.एम. पर बिल्कुल भरोसा नहीं है।

प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ के स्थापना दिवस पर फिलिस्तीनी जनता के साथ एकजुटता

- हरनाम सिंह, सारिका श्रीवास्तव  "मत रो बच्चे  तू मुस्काएगा तो शायद  सारे इक दिन भेस बदल कर  तुझसे खेलने लौट आएंगे" - फ़ैज़ अहमद फ़ैज़ प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ (प्रलेसं) की इंदौर इकाई ने अपना स्थापना दिवस (9 अप्रैल) फिलिस्तीनी जनता के संघर्ष के नाम समर्पित किया। अभिनव कला समाज सभागार में आयोजित इस कार्यक्रम में कलाकारों ने फिलिस्तीन कवियों के गीत गाए, उनके संघर्षों पर केंद्रित कविताओं का वाचन किया, फिलिस्तीनी चित्रकारों के चित्रों का पावर पॉइंट प्रजेंटेशन और उसकी व्याख्या की। वक्ताओं ने इजराइल द्वारा फिलिस्तीनी जनता पर ढ़ाए जा रहे जुल्मों की तुलना हिटलर के अत्याचारों से की।

વિચારોના પ્રદૂષણનું ઉત્તમ ઉદાહરણ: વડાપ્રધાનની આટલી સ્તુતિ કરનારને લેખક કહી શકાય?

- રમેશ સવાણી   ગુણવંત શાહે 6 એપ્રિલ 2024ના રોજ ‘દિવ્યભાસ્કર’ની પોતાની કોલમમાં લખ્યું છે : “અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એને કેવળ લોકોના ભલામાં જ રસ છે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એને માટે કાયમ ‘નેશન ફર્સ્ટ’ છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માને કે શું કરવું એ અંગે એ બિલકુલ સ્પષ્ટ છે, ક્યાંય અવઢવ નથી. એટલું તો માનો કે નેતા તરીકે એ સૌથી મોખરે છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એ દેશને હૃદયથી પ્રેમ કરે છે ! એટલું તો અ‌વશ્ય માનો કે વિદેશી નેતાઓ એને ભેટવાની ઉતાવળ કરે છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એના પરિવારમાં કોઇ વાડેરા નથી ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે બિલ ગેટ્સ જેવું બ્રેન ગણાતા વ્યક્તિ સાથે ચર્ચા કરતી વખતે પૂરો આત્મવિશ્વાસ ધરાવીને ડિજિટલ રિવોલ્યૂશન અને આર્ટિફિશિયલ ઇન્ટેલિજન્સ પર ચર્ચા કરી શકે છે ! કેટલાક માણસો ઇતિહાસનાં સંતાનો હોય છે ખરા, પણ તેઓ નિયતિનાં સંતાનો નથી હોતાં. આવા લોકો પાસે એક વિઝન હોય છે, જે અન્ય પાસે હોતું નથી. આવા લોકોને ત્રણ ભેટ જીવનભર મળતી રહે છે. વિરોધ, નિંદા અને ઇર્ષ્યા. આવા જ નમૂનાઓ ગેરસમજનો જ્થ્થાબંધ વૈભવ પામે છે.  સ્પિનોઝા નામનો ચિંતક ઘરની બહાર નીકળી શકતો ન હતો. એ ચિંતકના વિચારો એવા હતા કે લોકોને ગુસ્સો આવ