सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

26/11 attack reports accessed from M’shtra legislature: MHA denied access

By Venkatesh Nayak*
Next Monday (November 26, 2018), marks the completion of a decade since a group of armed militants launched attacks at multiple places in Mumbai in 2008. On this occasion, I am placing in the public domain, two reports obtained through RTI — one from an inquiry held by Government-appointed Committee and the other the action taken by the Government on the Committee’s findings and recommendations.
According to available estimates, at least 164 people including police personnel and NSG commandos died and more than 300 were injured in the attacks, engineered to strike terror in the hearts of the citizenry. The attacks began on the night of 26/11 and ended on 28/11. Ajmal Kasab, the only perpetrator who was captured alive, was executed in November 2012, at the end of a multi-stage judicial process. A plethora of facts and evidence emerged during this process showing their linkages with a neighbouring country.
Within a month of the attacks, the Government of Maharashtra set up a High Level Commission of Enquiry (HLEC) headed by former Governor of Arunachal Pradesh RD Pradhan. V Balachandran, former Special Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat, who served in the Mumbai-cadre of the Indian Police Service, was the other member of the HLEC. The Committee was given the following terms of reference:
“1) (Lapses) to act on intelligence inputs provided by the Central Intelligence Agencies;
2) (Lapses) to promptly act or react to the various terrorist attacks perpetrated on 26/11 in Mumbai in order to save lives and safeguard property; and
3) (The Committee) to make appropriate recommendations to deal with such acts in future” (excerpted from the HLEC Report).
After conducting its inquiry over a year-long period, the HLEC handed over its report along with a slew of recommendations to the State Government. A few days later, the Maharashtra government tabled this report along with an Action to be Taken Report (ATB Report) in Marathi in the State Legislature.
While several media reports about some of the findings of the HLEC and its recommendations have been published since, this report itself is not easily accessible in the public domain. A Google Search throws up an MSWord File which purports to be a copy of this report without any attribution to the source.
I am placing the HLEC’s report and the State Government’s ATB report obtained under the RTI Act, in the public domain for the use of researchers, mediapersons and advocates of stronger systems for internal security.

The RTI Intervention with the Central Government

In May 2017, I filed a request under The Right to Information Act, 2005 with the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) seeking the following information:
“1) A clear photocopy of the Report of the High Level Enquiry Committee (HLEC) on 26/11 appointed by the Government of Maharashtra in December 2008, as received by your public authority from that Government, along with Annexures, if any (please note, the underlined phrase above is the official title of the report);
2) The exact date on which the said Report of the HLEC was received in your public authority;
3) A clear photocopy of all correspondence conducted by your public authority with the Government of Maharashtra in relation to the said Report of the HLEC, till date; and
4) A clear photocopy of all file notings generated in your public authority in relation to the said Report of the HLEC, till date.”
Initially, I elected to request this information from the Central Government as I expected the State Government to reject access to these reports. As I am based in Delhi, approaching the Central Information Commission in the event of a refusal from the MHA would have been easier than moving the State Information Commission based in Mumbai. I must admit, my assumption was proved wrong.
The MHA’s Central Public Information (CPIO) rejected the request stating that the information was “classified” and therefore covered by Section 8(1)(a) of the RTI Act.
Readers will recognise that this clause contains at least seven grounds for refusing access to information and a document’s “classified” nature is not one of them. Upon receipt of my first appeal, the MHA’s First Appellate Authority directed the CPIO to re-examine the issue in light of my arguments.
In my first appeal, I had primarily argued that as the HLEC’s report had been tabled in the Maharashtra State Legislature, it could not be withheld from any citizen as per the proviso underlying Section 8(1) of the RTI Act. In summary, this proviso contains the principle that information which cannot be denied to Parliament or a State Legislature cannot be denied to a citizen. I know, some readers will dispute the applicability of this proviso to all 10 exemptions under Section 8(1) of the RTI Act, but that is a debate which remains to be resolved by the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India.
Even after the first appeal, the MHA’s CPIO reiterated his decision that Section 8(1)(a) of the RTI Act was applicable to the HLEC and ATB reports. Interestingly, he admitted that there was no correspondence with the State Government at all after receipt of the reports on the subject matter. I find this difficult to believe.
So, rather than waste time filing a second appeal before the CIC, I filed a fresh RTI application with the Secretariat of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly in December 2017 seeking the following information:
“1) A clear photocopy of the Report of the High Level Enquiry Committee (HLEC) on 26/11 tabled in the Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha in December 2009, along with Annexures, if any (please note, the underlined phrase above is the official title of the report); and
2) A clear photocopy of any action taken report (ATR) of the Government of Maharashtra tabled in the Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha in relation to the report specified at para #1 above, along with Annexures, if any.”
In less than a month, the PIO of the Legislative Assembly Secretariat sent a fee request for INR 411 (less than US$ 6) inclusive of postage charges and supplied the entire information on receipt of the payment.
I am not an expert on matters of internal security, intelligence gathering and anti-terror operations. So I am not making any comments on the contents of the HLEC’s report or the ATB report. As the State Government’s ATB Report is in Marathi, we have prepared an unofficial translation in English. I thank my former colleague at CHRI, Navaz Kotwal for attempting this unofficial translation.
The last page of the ATB report is a list of arms, ammunition and other equipment procured by the State Government between 2004-2009 to counter the HLEC’s findings about shortages. As this table contains several technical terms of materials purchased, we have not attempted a translation. Readers are requested to refer to the original document. We have tried to provide as accurate a translation as possible to the best of our ability. In case of any confusion between the Marathi original of the ATB Report and the unofficial translation, the latter prevails.
The purpose of placing these reports in the public domain is to enable researchers, mediapersons and advocates of better internal security systems to study them and examine the conclusions, recommendations and the actions that the Government of Maharashtra assured to take. Key portions of the State Government’s ATB Report are highlighted in yellow to help readers identify possible RTI interventions to ascertain the progress made in the implementation of the State Government’s assurances.
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*Programme Coordinator, Access to Information Programme, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, New Delhi

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

અમદાવાદ પોલિસ કમિશનરનું જાહેરનામું: નાગરિક સ્વાતંત્ર્ય પર તરાપ મારવાની પ્રક્રિયાનો એક ભાગ

- હેમંતકુમાર શાહ  અમદાવાદના પોલિસ કમિશનરનું લોકશાહી વિરોધી વધુ એક પગલું ચૂંટણી ટાણે જોવા મળ્યું છે.   તા. ૧૬-૦૪-૨૦૨૪ના રોજ તેમણે એક જાહેરનામું બહાર પાડીને ફોજદારી કાર્યવાહી અધિનિયમ-૧૯૭૩ની કલમ-૧૪૪ આખા શહેરમાં લાગુ કરી જણાવ્યું છે કે "કોઈ પણ પ્રચારપ્રસાર રેલી દરમ્યાન કોઈ એ કાળા વાવટા ફરકાવવા નહિ કે ઉશ્કેરણીજનક બેનર કે પ્લે કાર્ડ બતાવવું નહિ અથવા કોઈ વિરોધમાં ઉશ્કેરણીજનક સૂત્રોચ્ચાર કરવો નહિ."

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।