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Never in nation's history have rulers been embarrassed to the very core as here...

By Harsh Thakor*
 I simply do not have an adjective in the dictionary to sum up the intensity of the farmers resistance in Delhi. History continues to be re-written like an inextinguishable light. It is reminiscent of a protracted war launched by an army against unflinching odds, confronting the enemy in the very belly. Each and every day it is further consolidating. With the methodology and skill of an architect or surgeon and relentlessness of a boulder resisting a thunderstorm the farmers organisations have braved it out on the outskirts of the capital. 
Never in the nation's history have the rulers been embarrassed to the very core as here. What was positive was the unity of varying trends like the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU) factions of Ugrahan, Rakewal, Dakaunda or Kirti Kisan Union, tightening the noose on the ruling classes. Re-inforcements are launched by the hour. Never has an agitation in India evoked the support of farmers from sp many regions or other sections like workers, employees and students.
One gets the vibrations on every successive day or a new chapter of an epic novel. It is heartening to witness how everyday the intensity of the struggle is electrifying with contributions from all sections of the democratic revolutionary camp. This very minute I am writing this report a contingent of women belonging to families of suicide victims are marching in to the outskirts of Delhi in Tokri area, to reveal their grim economic plight and a semi-conference is being staged.
On December 10th the BKU (Ugrahan) organised a most impactful programme condemning the arrest of the intellectuals and attacking the very base of social fascism. In the whole nation we do not witness programmes qualitatively of this kind on this issue. With great authority and conviction Joginder Singh Ugrahan refuted the allegations of the agitation been influenced or infiltrated by Maoists and emphasises it's mass democratic character.
There was a most notable participations by the Tarksheel Society which in gross depth summarised the powerful fascist tendencies prevailing. With great depth of analysis it narrated the connection between the designs of proto-fascist regime and the course of the peasant agitation .With great precision it explained how demanding release of such people framed is an integral part of the Indian people’s struggle for establishing democratic rule.
A most notable feature in recent days is how in regions of Tikri in Delhi continuous guarding, patrolling or vigil is undertaken for 24 hours by the BKU (Ugrahan) with cadre swapping different duties.
In a most positive interview "Surkh Leeh" editor Pavel Kussa highlighted the unity of various section s which were rooted in the revolutionary secular tradition. Another significant development is the acute contradiction in the ruling classes with even Congress and SAD leaders like Badal demanding scrapping of the agricultural bills, with a vociferous voice. In Pavel’s view the road to solving the problems of the agricultural crisis would determine the direction or path of the agitation. In his view irrespective of quantitative impact what was most crucial was the placing of the economic and political demands in coherence with the current socio-political order. 
Only the long term solution of the agrarian crisis would determine the political fate. His other point was how different social forces wished to influence the agitation like Federal rights, Khalistanis, rich peasant organisations etc.Pavel also touched upon how the issue should not be inclined towards sectarian interests or only partial demands but as a component of apolitical movement as a whole. Basically he placed emphasis on the political direction of solving the crisis. 
On a day to day basis most inspiring interviews have been undertaken by BKU (Ugrahan) president Joginder Singh Ugrahan. Repeatedly with the spirit of a soldier he has thwarted any attempts to compromise the demands of the agitation and has in the very core refuted the attempts of the rulers to twist the struggle by hoodwinking the people. With the sharpness of as word he combated any acceptance of the farmers of the amendments of the BJP government. 
Very inspiring interviews also took place of Ugrahan women leader Harinder Bindu,who projected the unity of women landed peasantry and dalit agricultural labour. Rarely have women ever in peasant agitation shimmered the spark of resistance with such intensity. Whatever differences the voice of Kirti Kisan Union president Rajinder Singh has also been a revelation. 
The Bandh organised on 8th December was a thorn in the flesh for the ruling BJP,striking them in the very heart. What was most significant was the involvement of the industrial workers. Still it is the BKU(Ugrahan) which is morally contributing the most to sharpening the class polarisation or political angle to enable the peasantry to demarcate from the nefarious pro-imperialist ruling class politics. 
A revolutionary farmers platform is being crystallized with a nucleus being knitted to counter proto fascism and uniting all possible sections. 
Great solidarity programmes have been undertaken in Punjab for the Delhi farmers, resembling the flow of an Ocean. The leaders and activists must be saluted for continuing the temp by shimmering spark of liberation amidst the heaviest police enforcements. The neo-fascist nature of the Modi govt has been exposed at the very roots. The most impactful action sin support has been staged in Amritsar and Moga districts. With the insight of an architect a series of programmes were chalked out at district level in Punjab to intensify the spark of revolt. 
One of the greatest achievements is how the bandh and overall movement has galvanised or aroused every sphere of society be it farmers, labourers, students, youth, industrial workers or govt.employees. as never before. In view of Sanjeev Mintu who is president of the Krantikari Pendu Mazdoor Union it has had an electrifying effect on the youth who are swayed by lure of drugs,to join the ranks of the agitation. With firm conviction he feels it has laid the roots to build a very strong anti-fascist base.
Another significant factor is the great support from people of foreign countries like Canada, Australia, England or America. Every other day on gets reports of solidarity protests. This connects the Delhi agitation with the impending global crisis.
One tendency that has to be guarded against is to classify the uprising with Sikh militancy, which would communalise it. The movement should not be deterred on the grounds of sections which wish to project it as a federal movement confronting autocracy of the centre which is in consonance with Regionalism. The nefarious designs of parties like the Congress,Aam Aadmi Party and Akali Dal must be exposed to prevent the masses from being diverted from the essence of revolutionary class struggle.
A Qualitative contribution has also been given by the Krantikari Pendu Mazdoor Union led by Lakhveer Longowal with its leaders and activists integrating with the base of the movement.
With remarkable consistency the Punjab Students Union and Naujwan Bharat Sabha are fluttering the flag of resistance to inspire students and youth. Even if its numbers are not so large qualitatively the Kirti Kisan Union is influencing the Delhi protests.
Some very inspiring solidarity action has been undertaken by the Bhagat Singh Chatra Morcha in Uttar Pradesh which staged street corner protests with other democratic forces. It highlighted the fascist dictates of the Modi govt being a precursor of the agitation and it’s roots ingrained in the semi-feudal agrarian structure.
A very positive feature is also the tacit support by ex-servicemen in army, singers and actors.
A powerful voice has also been raised by civil liberties groups and activists like Association for Democratic Rights in Punjab, Civil Liberties Committee of both Telangana and Andhra Pradesh, and Peoples Union for Democratic Rights in Delhi.
A negative trend had erupted when three organisations independently approached the rulers for talks after being invited for negotiations. The BKU (Ugarhan) was critical of this approach.
Another grievance of organisations was the staging of the human rights programme on December 10th by the BKU(Ugrahan) which 31 organisations felt was not in harmony with the situation and violated the collective spirit. Buta Singh Burgill of BKU (Dakaunda) vociferously spoke against it as well as Rajinder of Kirti Kisan Union. They all insisted that only economic demands should be addressed from this platform and such a protest organised by Ugrahan derailed the movement. I differ diametrically with this view completely endorsing action of Ugrahan group. It was a virtual need of the hour to connect the agitation with that of proto-fascism in light of it being branded as 'Maoist.’ Fostering a sporting spirit BKU (Ugrahan) secretary stated that organizationally they would not reply to the criticism.
Whatever differences it is vital that the basic unity of the democratic revolutionary forces must not be broken. It would resemble tearing fabric needed to stitch address.
The Bandh on December 8th may have been the most intense and qualitatively impact one ever in post-independence India infiltrating every walk of life engulfing virtually the whole nation. There was a tendency of domination of Northern states with less participation from Southern regions.
It is still of great importance that the people do not place faith in opposition of left parties who in essence endorse the autocratic social order offering no democratic alternative. To me it is virtual hypocrisy of the Congress,Akali Dal or even left parties to offer any sort of an alternative. It is important that the class demands of the peasantry are linked to the repressive socio-economic order as a whole and to the proto-fascist nature of India’s so called parliamentary or neo-liberal democracy. The broadest united front must be formed and ruling class contradictions utilised. However the agitators must beware of tailing behind opportunist forces who would diffuse the essence of the struggle.
What is missing is the leadership of a centralised Revolutionary party or a sustained agrarian revolutionary movement in the villages to sufficiently weld such an agitation into mass political movement. Ruling class politics and revisionism must be countered at the very roots and a democratic alternative properly projected. However Communists must be vary of not converting the united forum into a party platform and strictly adhere to the level of the people’s political consciousness.
The support by middle sections like teachers, doctors, engineers and journalists was tremendous. It is of vital importance to win or integrate such forces into the agitation.
What is of vital importance is that the landless dalit agricultural labourers must be firmly entrenched in this agitation and Industrial workers mobilised interconnecting how the issues of agricultural bills landed peasantry affected them. Even the peasantry should be able to connect their economic demands with political ones to prevent tendency of economism.It should be linked with the political resistance against the nefarious HIndutva fascism and nation chauvinism. People should be educated how such agricultural bills are an integral part or manifestations of neo-liberal globalisation.
There have been experiences in the past where major peasant movement have tailed behind the rich peasantry and derailed the struggle. What is of vital importance is that a united front is not broken with even traders or small businessman having acute contradictions with the govt policies .A balance should be maintained between the Punjab farmers movement with the movement of Indian farmers as a whole.
A most inspiring feature has been the confidence and determination expressed by the leaders and activists who with unflinching determination are fighting undeterred.
Even if I assess Punjab and India to be semi-feudal I propose that leaders analyse the impact of imperialism and capitalism on agriculture and semi-feudalism in light of the tyranny of Corporates or MNC’s..A strategy has to be devised to confront the seizure of lands by the Corporates incorporating struggle against commission agents. The subtle changes incorporated within the semi-feudal structure itself have to be further studied.
I grossly wish that the "Surkh Leeh" journal would print a Hindi and English translation of their special issue which would do ample justice to the credentials of the agitation ,placing it in a correct Communist revolutionary or democratic light.
---
*Journalist-activist, currently on Delhi-Haryana borders

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हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

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नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

રામનવમીના દિવસે મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને વિસ્તારોને અસામાજિક તત્વોથી રક્ષણ આપવી

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  પોલિસ મહાનિદેશક, ગુજરાત, ને આવનારા રામનવમીના તહેવારમાં નીકળતા જુલૂસમાં આવતા અસામાજિક તત્વોથી મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને મુસ્લિમ વિસ્તારોના રક્ષણ બાબત પત્ર:  આપ જાણો છો કે આવનારી 17મી એપ્રિલ ના રોજ રામનવમીનો તહેવાર છે. પાછલા વર્ષોના અનુભવ દ્વારા આપણે જાણીએ છીએ કે હિન્દુ ધાર્મિક તહેવારો મુસ્લિમોને હેરાન કરવા અને તેમના ધાર્મિક સ્થળો તેમજ દુકાનો મકાનોને નુકસાન કરવા માટેના માધ્યમ બની ગયા છે. 

सुप्रीम कोर्ट का चिकित्सा की दुनिया में बाबाओं की मनमानी को रोकने का प्रयास सराहनीय

- राम पुनियानी*  पिछले कुछ दशकों में भारत में कई बाबाओं का उदय हुआ है. इसके पहले भी बाबा हुआ करते थे मगर इन दिनों बाबाओं का जितना राजनैतिक और सामाजिक दबदबा है, उतना पहले शायद कभी नहीं रहा. कई बाबा अनेक तरह के काले कामों में लिप्त भी पाए गए हैं मगर उनकी दैवीय छवि के चलते उनके अपराधों को नज़रअंदाज़ किया जाता रहा है. 

18થી નાની ઉંમરના 1,15,129 બાળકો શાળા બહાર? વાસ્તવિક આંકડો 15-20 ગણો વધું

- સુખદેવ પટેલ*  16 એપ્રિલથી સમગ્ર ગુજરાતમાં શાળા બહારના 6 થી 19 વર્ષની ઉંમરના બાળકોનો સર્વે શરૂ થયો છે.  જે 26 એપ્રિલ સુધી ચાલશે. જેની જવાબદારી સરકારી શાળાના શિક્ષકોને સોંપવામાં આવી છે. અત્યારે પ્રાથમિક શાળાઓમાં વાર્ષિક પરીક્ષાઓ ચાલી રહી છે. લોકસભાની ચૂંટણીઓના કામ પણ શિક્ષકોને ભાગે કરવાના આવશે. શિક્ષકો કેટલું કરી શક્શે? શિક્ષકો પાસેથી વ્યાજબી રીતે કેટલી અપેક્ષાઓ રાખવી જોઈએ? RTE ની જોગવાઈઓ મુજબ દરેક બાળક શિક્ષણ મેળવી શકે, તે માટે શાળા બહારના બાળકોને સર્વે કરીને શોધી કાઢવાનું ઉમદા કામ સરકાર વિચારે છે, તે આવકારદાયક છે. આવાં ઉત્તમ કામમાં જેમને સીધો લાભ થવાનો છે,  તેવાં હિતધારકોની પ્રતિનિધિ સમિતિ SMC સ્કૂલ મેનેજમેન્ટ કમિટી આ જવાબદારી સારી રીતે ઉપાડી શકે તેમ છે. શિક્ષણ વિભાગ SSA તરફથી આ કામગીરીમાં SMC ની ભાગીદારીનું આયોજન કરીને યોગ્ય માર્ગદર્શિકા તૈયાર કરવી જોઈએ.

ई.वी.एम. के खिलाफ सत्याग्रह क्यों? मतपत्र वापस लाना आज क्यों ज़रूरी हो गया है?

- संदीप पाण्डेय*  चुनाव का पारा चढ़ रहा है और राजनीतिक दल प्रचार में जोर-शोर से लग गए हैं लेकिन चुनाव की घोषणा के बाद भी एक मुद्दा जो ठण्डा होने का नाम नहीं ले रहा है वह है इलेक्ट्रॉनिक वोटिंग मशीन व उसके साथ लगा हुआ वोटर वेरीफायेबल पेपर ऑडिट ट्रेल। सरकार में बैठे हुए व भारतीय जनता पार्टी से जुड़े हुए लोगों के अलावा आम जनता के मन में बड़े पैमाने पर इ.वी.एम. व वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के प्रति संदेह घर कर गया है। हरदोई, उन्नाव व सीतापुर के आम अनपढ़ ग्रामीण आपको बताएंगे कि इ.वी.एम. जो मत वे डालते हैं उन्हें नहीं मालूम वह कहां चला जाता है? सीतापुर की महमूदाबाद तहसील के चांदपुर-फरीदपुर गांव के बनारसी बताते हैं कि पिछले चुनाव में उन्होंने इ.वी.एम. पर हाथी का बटन दबाया था किंतु वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के शीशे में कमल का चिन्ह दिखाई पड़ा इसलिए उन्हें इ.वी.एम. पर बिल्कुल भरोसा नहीं है।

प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ के स्थापना दिवस पर फिलिस्तीनी जनता के साथ एकजुटता

- हरनाम सिंह, सारिका श्रीवास्तव  "मत रो बच्चे  तू मुस्काएगा तो शायद  सारे इक दिन भेस बदल कर  तुझसे खेलने लौट आएंगे" - फ़ैज़ अहमद फ़ैज़ प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ (प्रलेसं) की इंदौर इकाई ने अपना स्थापना दिवस (9 अप्रैल) फिलिस्तीनी जनता के संघर्ष के नाम समर्पित किया। अभिनव कला समाज सभागार में आयोजित इस कार्यक्रम में कलाकारों ने फिलिस्तीन कवियों के गीत गाए, उनके संघर्षों पर केंद्रित कविताओं का वाचन किया, फिलिस्तीनी चित्रकारों के चित्रों का पावर पॉइंट प्रजेंटेशन और उसकी व्याख्या की। वक्ताओं ने इजराइल द्वारा फिलिस्तीनी जनता पर ढ़ाए जा रहे जुल्मों की तुलना हिटलर के अत्याचारों से की।

વિચારોના પ્રદૂષણનું ઉત્તમ ઉદાહરણ: વડાપ્રધાનની આટલી સ્તુતિ કરનારને લેખક કહી શકાય?

- રમેશ સવાણી   ગુણવંત શાહે 6 એપ્રિલ 2024ના રોજ ‘દિવ્યભાસ્કર’ની પોતાની કોલમમાં લખ્યું છે : “અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એને કેવળ લોકોના ભલામાં જ રસ છે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એને માટે કાયમ ‘નેશન ફર્સ્ટ’ છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માને કે શું કરવું એ અંગે એ બિલકુલ સ્પષ્ટ છે, ક્યાંય અવઢવ નથી. એટલું તો માનો કે નેતા તરીકે એ સૌથી મોખરે છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એ દેશને હૃદયથી પ્રેમ કરે છે ! એટલું તો અ‌વશ્ય માનો કે વિદેશી નેતાઓ એને ભેટવાની ઉતાવળ કરે છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એના પરિવારમાં કોઇ વાડેરા નથી ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે બિલ ગેટ્સ જેવું બ્રેન ગણાતા વ્યક્તિ સાથે ચર્ચા કરતી વખતે પૂરો આત્મવિશ્વાસ ધરાવીને ડિજિટલ રિવોલ્યૂશન અને આર્ટિફિશિયલ ઇન્ટેલિજન્સ પર ચર્ચા કરી શકે છે ! કેટલાક માણસો ઇતિહાસનાં સંતાનો હોય છે ખરા, પણ તેઓ નિયતિનાં સંતાનો નથી હોતાં. આવા લોકો પાસે એક વિઝન હોય છે, જે અન્ય પાસે હોતું નથી. આવા લોકોને ત્રણ ભેટ જીવનભર મળતી રહે છે. વિરોધ, નિંદા અને ઇર્ષ્યા. આવા જ નમૂનાઓ ગેરસમજનો જ્થ્થાબંધ વૈભવ પામે છે.  સ્પિનોઝા નામનો ચિંતક ઘરની બહાર નીકળી શકતો ન હતો. એ ચિંતકના વિચારો એવા હતા કે લોકોને ગુસ્સો આવ