सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

A peep into Australia's South Asians obsessed with finding out each other's caste

There appears to be no end to South Asians settling abroad taking with them their casteist, anti-Dalit mindset – a fact brought to light by Deepak Joshi, a Facebook friend who lives in Melbourne, Australia. Joshi has shared on his Facebook timeline an article published in the ABC Radio National site titled “They've left South Asia, but they can't escape the discrimination and division of its caste system” authored by Karishma Luthria. It is actually a first person blog.
What is shocking is, and this is what Joshi is particularly concerned about – that after he shared this article in a Facebook group called ‘Indians in South East Melbourne’, not only was the article removed by the Facebook administrators stating that it encouraged ‘Hate Speech or Bullying’. Joshi himself has been barred from commenting in the group!
The Facebook group has 16.8 thousand members. Its very first post, authored by one of the two admins of the group, states, “Any accusations on elected government without legal proof will not be entertained here. If you want to talk about elected government then please stay away from this group. If you have legal proof go to the court as this is not a court.”
Taking down the article, the group admins appear to believe that criticising caste discrimination among diaspora is a violation of their group's following rule: “Make sure everyone feels safe. Bullying of any kind isn't allowed, and degrading comments about things such as race, religion, culture, sexual orientation, gender or identity will not be tolerated.”
Be that as it may, reproduced below is Luthria’s article, which seeks to suggest how casteism has kicking among the South Asian diaspora, especially from India and Nepal:
***
When I was at university, another South Asian asked me what my caste was.
I replied that I didn't know.
But as Jasbeer Mustafa, an academic from Western Sydney University, told me: "If you don't know your caste, it's most likely you're upper caste."
As a new migrant to Australia I was surprised when I learnt caste discrimination exists in a country so far removed geographically and culturally from South Asia.
I grew up in Mumbai, and it wasn't until the Dalit Lives Matter movement was retriggered by the murder of a Dalit in India last September that I started to question the caste system and the role I played in it.
I was curious to know more about how casteism impacts people in Australia, so I started speaking to a number of migrants who had first-hand experience with the caste system.
Melbourne-based academic and filmmaker Vikrant Kishore says "caste goes where South Asians go".
"Australia is no exception," Dr Kishore says.
He says some South Asians in Australia even personalise their car's number plate to display their caste pride.
"It is all about the privilege, it's all about boasting of their background," he says.
"Most of the Australians, they wouldn't even be knowing what it is doing — but Indians generally know what the person is trying to announce to the world."
Aparna Ramteke, a human resources professional, Dalit woman and advocate for Dalit rights, says diaspora South Asians in Australia can be obsessed with finding out each other's caste.
She says it is common for Indians who meet in Australia to end their conversation by asking each other their last name.
"Why are we asking the last name – to understand which caste system you come from. It's such a casual discrimination," she says.
"It's just amazing to note how intricately this has divided people on the basis of the caste system."
San Kumar Gazmere changed his last name when he arrived in Australia to avoid caste discrimination among the Nepalese community in Cairns.
In Australia, Mr Gazmere manages a fast food restaurant and remembers when he first moved here people from the community laughed at his surname.
"Some Nepalese people … pronounce it in a very weird voice, and they yell really loudly with that name," Mr Gazmere says.
"We feel embarrassed because people who had that last name have got bad memories and bad experiences."
Mr Gazmere says people from his caste are not allowed into people's homes in Nepal — and in Australia too.
"They keep dogs, cats, everything inside the house, but they don't let people go inside because of only that [their] last name."

Those who can evade discrimination, and those who can't

I'm Sindhi, and Sindhis don't follow a typical caste hierarchy -- rather, we divide ourselves on class lines.
That's why when I asked my dad recently what caste we were, he was really vague about it.
He said we might be Vasihyas -- the traders -- due to our family's history of running businesses.
This confused me even more. If I'm not as high up in the hierarchy, how am I able to evade the impacts of the caste system?
Ms Ramteke says because of her professional HR job, she has not experienced typical caste discrimination in Australia.
"Somebody who has got a good house, a good family, they wouldn't talk about the caste system," she says.
She says in cases such as hers, any discrimination is not in your face, but behind your back.
But for recently arrived migrants from lower castes, casteism is not that subtle.
A Nepali Dalit man, who wanted to remain anonymous, told me he was evicted from his rental in Brisbane after the owner, an upper caste Nepali, found out he was an "untouchable".
When he complained about the eviction, the owner told him to shut up, and that he should be ashamed about not disclosing his caste.
Girish Makwana
Melbourne filmmaker Girish Makwana had a similar experience as an international student in Australia.
"[The landlord] asked me: 'Where are you from, what's your caste?' And then very nicely just brushed me off," he says.
Mr Makwana then found out that the landlord had accepted five other applicants, but not him, because he is a Dalit.
"Later one of the guys living there told me it's because they have a protocol in their house. Then I decided I will not live with any Indians any more."

Dating outside of your caste

Caste also seeps into our dating lives. There is a dating app called Dil Mil, which means meeting of hearts.
The app has a filter option allowing those from top tier caste groups to find matches within their own caste — but there are no options for lower caste groups.
Rather than a meeting of hearts, it is more a meeting of castes.
On finding this out, it made me ill-at-ease. Are young South Asians so obsessed with caste that we come up with apps by upper castes for upper castes?
Kushal, whose name I have changed to provide anonymity, is a Nepalese migrant in Tasmania who fell in love with an upper caste girl.
"After a few years, maybe, her parents figured it out," he says.
Her family would not let them get married.
"She was beaten by her parents, saying that: 'Why do you want to stay in a relationship with those kinds of people?'"
They ran away together, but Kushal says there was no respite.
"Her parents used to call her, saying, 'Come back, we'll find a better guy for you.'"

'They didn't want to drink water while I was there'

Birkha Diyali, a Bishwakarma, the Nepalese equivalent of an untouchable, lives in Cairns.
"There's a lot of caste-based discrimination in Cairns," he says. "The Brahmins don't eat what we touch and they won't let us enter their houses."
When his father-in-law passed away in 2012, they were unable to find a priest to conduct his last rites.
"We thought the Brahmin priests could perform the ritual, without coming into our house but they refused," he says. "All they offered was a very short naming ceremony."
"Eventually we found a priest from Adelaide who directed me over the phone to perform the ritual. I felt it wasn't my father-in-law who died, it was me who was dying."
His wife Pabitra Diyali says this sort of discrimination is not an isolated experience in Australia.
"I was sitting with someone from a higher caste on the same couch and they didn't want to drink water while I was there. She said it was her culture," she says.
Sydney businessman Gokulan Gopal is from a caste that the Indian government categorises as "backward".
He says Hinduism "is at the core" of the caste system.
One of Hinduism's sacred and earliest texts, Manusmriti, identifies caste as a way to order society. The book is also considered to be the source of Hindu law, and governs key aspects of Hindu life from marriage, and occupation to location.
"For me, I don't accept Hinduism anymore," Mr Gopal says.
One of his first experiences of caste discrimination was at a temple as a teenager.
He was strongly reprimanded for entering the kitchen, a place priests consider pure. A place where someone like Mr Gopal was unwelcome.
Because of the systemic nature of casteist discrimination, in the 1950s, India's first Dalit lawmaker, Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar, encouraged Dalits to adopt Buddhism.
"He said, 'I've studied all the other religious books, and this religion [Buddhism] offers equality, brotherhood, compassion,'" Ms Ramteke says.
Ms Ramteke is an Ambedkarite —a follower of Dr Ambedkar.
"And that's what we practice, where everybody is treated equally, fair and square," she says.
Dr Ambedkar's contributions are largely ignored in modern Indian society.

Dalit Lives Matter

For some global South Asian communities, Dalit Lives Matter dominated 2020 just as much as Black Lives Matter.
The movement was reignited by the alleged rape and murder of Manisha Valmiki in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh, by four upper caste men. It reminded many of the discrimination that lower caste communities have faced for thousands of years.
Ms Ramteke was a speaker at a vigil for Ms Valmiki in Parramatta. She believes Indians don't support Dalit causes because there is stigma attached to it.
"People are a bit ashamed, because I think supporting a Dalit is below [their] dignity," she says.
"They don't want to associate with that. There is a reason for it, because there is no human life value to it.
"If people are not ready to talk about it, people like us should be the voice of the voiceless."
As I heard stories of discrimination in Australia -- my privilege as an upper-middle-class Indian kept coming back to me. I wondered what my role is and was in perpetuating the caste system.
I remember as a teenager in India, my friends and I used casteist abuses towards each other.
For example, we used the word "Bhangi" to call each other dirty, but we didn't realise its origin was as a derogatory term directed at Dalits.
I even heard a relative of mine say it recently in Sydney. I told them not to use it, but to no avail.
Dr Kishore says he's heard such abuses used by prominent community members in Melbourne.
He says these same people post on social media about Black Lives Matter but don't recognise their own double standards.
Karishma Luthria
"You talk about racism. Good. You want to talk about Black Lives Matter. Good. Have you talked about yourself and your own prejudices? No, then get lost. You need to get schooled."
In 1950, the Indian constitution outlawed untouchability and caste discrimination. But it did not outlaw the entire caste system itself.
Quoting Dr Ambedkar, Dr Kishore says we need to get rid of the caste system, now more than ever.
"Turn in any direction you like, caste is the monster that crosses your path. You cannot have political reform, you cannot have economic reform, unless you kill the monster."
Dr Kishore made me realise that I am that person of colour who complains about racism in Australia.
And much like white guilt, I have guilt for never questioning my privilege until Black and Dalit Lives Matter in 2020, for never calling out casteism whenever I came across it in my social circles and for never standing up against it.
But now, after speaking to people who are strong, and resilient fighters against the insidious nature of the culture I grew up in — I can't stay as silent as I used to.
---
Slightly abridged

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

અમદાવાદ પોલિસ કમિશનરનું જાહેરનામું: નાગરિક સ્વાતંત્ર્ય પર તરાપ મારવાની પ્રક્રિયાનો એક ભાગ

- હેમંતકુમાર શાહ  અમદાવાદના પોલિસ કમિશનરનું લોકશાહી વિરોધી વધુ એક પગલું ચૂંટણી ટાણે જોવા મળ્યું છે.   તા. ૧૬-૦૪-૨૦૨૪ના રોજ તેમણે એક જાહેરનામું બહાર પાડીને ફોજદારી કાર્યવાહી અધિનિયમ-૧૯૭૩ની કલમ-૧૪૪ આખા શહેરમાં લાગુ કરી જણાવ્યું છે કે "કોઈ પણ પ્રચારપ્રસાર રેલી દરમ્યાન કોઈ એ કાળા વાવટા ફરકાવવા નહિ કે ઉશ્કેરણીજનક બેનર કે પ્લે કાર્ડ બતાવવું નહિ અથવા કોઈ વિરોધમાં ઉશ્કેરણીજનક સૂત્રોચ્ચાર કરવો નહિ."

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.