सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Remembering Maulana Barakatullah on the occasion of Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav


By Prof Abdul Ali*
Maulana Barakatullah (1859-1927) was one of the distinguished luminaries of modern India. He was a multidimensional personality and indefatigable freedom fighter. He appeared on the scene of the Indian freedom movement at a time when the Indians in general and the Muslims in particular had become demoralized through their constant persecution and harassment at the hands of the British authorities in the wake of the failure of 1857. Another serious setback of far-reaching implications that confronted the stalwarts of the freedom movement as a backlash of the defeat of the 1857 mutiny was the danger posed to the deep-rooted composite culture of India. Applying the divide-and-rule tactics, the British encouraged and doctored pseudo-reformist Hindu and Muslim currents, thereby separating Hindu history from Muslim history at the cost of the Ganga-Yamuni tehzib (culture) which had remained intact in the subcontinent till 1857 and had filtered down to peasant village and artisan culture.
It was against this background that Maulana Barakatullah and like-minded revolutionaries appeared on the scene and thwarted the nefarious design of the British as well as championed the cause of the freedom movement by strengthening the forces of national integration on the basis of the liberal-secular ingredients of the unifying composite culture of India. The Maulana became a symbol and champion of Hindu-Muslim unity. He tried his best to see that both Hindus and Muslims remained united. But for that, India might not have achieved independence.
He took upon himself the task of freeing India by soliciting support from the countries hostile to Britain. With that aim in sight, he embarked upon his self-styled political exile which lasted for about 40 long hectic years. He spent 11 years in England, 6 years in the USA, 5 years in Japan and a considerable part of his life in Central Europe, Central Asia and Soviet Russia.
Barakatullah worked in close association and collaboration with such revolutionary stalwarts as Shyam Krishna Verma, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Lala Hardayal, Champakraman Pillai, Ras Bihari Bose, Tarak Nath Das, Bhagwan Singh, alias Natha Singh, Lucas Joshi, Indu Bhushan Dey Mazumdar, Madame Bhikaji Cama, Virendrannath Chattopadhyaya, and his life-long friend Raja Mahendra Pratap.
The Maulana had an academic side also. Side by side with his work for independence, he studied strenuously and became a polyglot and distinguished scholar of literature and international politics. He served as Professor of Arabic at the Oriental College in Liverpool University on a salary of Rs. 1500 per month. His academic leaning brought him into contact with such reputed authors and Orientalists as Stanley Edward Lane-Poole and E. J. W. Gibb and assisted them in their comprehension of Arabic and Persian sources of history. No wonder, Gibb acknowledged his sincere thanks to Barakatullah for having ” placed with the utmost kindness at his disposal the stores of his great erudition”.
Barakatullah wielded a facile pen and was a fine, eloquent speaker. He took pen as a fighting weapon and published blazing articles in leading journals and dailies of England, America and Japan to incite the fire of independence. Even his Islam was deeply overshadowed by Indian nationalism and anti-imperialism. He is credited with having worked out a remarkable synthesis of different ideologies including communism. As rightly pointed out by Ramnath Maia in her Haj to Utopia, Barakatullah was the most important interfacer of Pan-Islamism, communism and the Indian national liberation struggle. He was a sort of connecting link between different movements of concern to the Indian freedom fighters. He was a nationalist to the core. He was completely free from any religious or communal bias. In the words of the German diplomatic attache Otto von Hentig: “Barakatullah was first in line a nationalist and then a Muslim”.
After having worked in England and America, he left for anti-British Japan which he found to be a fertile ground for his nationalist activites. His arrival in Tokyo in February 1909 gave a shot in the arm to the anti-British political activites at India House. He was appointed as Professor of Urdu and Persian at Tokyo School of Foreign Languages on March 7, 1909. Wherever he went, he always remained under the strict surveillance of British intelligence. Soon he became very popular among both the Japanese and the Indians. An idea of this fact may be had from the statement given to the police after much interrogation by Kanchan Kumar: “Barakatullah is a good and spirited speaker… He speaks against the British Government. He was a great favourite of the Indians and the Japanese, and commanded immense influence. In my opinion Barakatullah is the Shyamji Krishna Verma of Japan. He carried on correspondence in cipher (code). Savant, Gikhale and Mukherji know Japanese and are friends of Barakatullah ”.
Barakatullah published a number of journals and periodicals, in which he espoused the cause of freedom of India by highlighting the British atrocities. He was the chief transit point for the dissemination of revolutionary literature including the Indian Sociologist edited by Krishna Verma and other journals from America and Europe. He also managed to circulate his own revolutionary writings among Indians throughout India and East Asia via Singapore. No wonder, Tokyo had become an important headquarters of the activities of Indian revolutionaries, which was later fully exploited by Rash Behari Bose and Subhash Chandra Bose as a base in their freedom struggle. Ultimately, Barakatullah was extradited from Japan under pressure from the British Government.
Undaunted, Barakatullah returned to San Francisco, accompanied by a leader of the Ghadar Party which was founded by Lala Hardayal and his associates in 1913. He joined the Yugantar Ashram and worked with Taraknath Das in the editorial department of the party to edit the weekly Ghadar paper. The Ghadar party was the first organized violent bid for freedom after the uprising of 1857. Barakatullah played an important role in strengthening the party.
Another great contribution of Barakatullah was that with help of Raja Mahendra Pratap and with the support of Germany and Turkey, he succeeded in forming during the First World War an Azad Indian Government-in-exile on 1st December, 1915, in Kabul. He himself was designated as Prime Minister of the Government, while Raja Mahendra Pratap was made its President. The parallel Government in Afghanistan was established with the avowed aim of organising an armed revolt in India. Its ambassadors were sent to different countries such as Japan, Turkey, Russia and China. But this government could not function for a long time due to adverse circumstances.
Even after the collapse of the parallel government in Kabul, both Barakatullah and Mahendra Pratap remained active and busy making efforts for the independence of their country. They travelled widely in Germany, France and Russia. But the hectic political activities adversely affected the health of the Maulana, following which he was shifted to Germany for treatment along with Raja Mahendra Pratap. When he recovered, he resumed his nationalistic activities with full vigour.
Barakatullah visited Berlin in 1926 where he met Jawaharlal Nehru. Giving his impressions of the meeting, Nehru called him a progressive Moulvi and different from others. He also described him to be “a delightful old man, very enthusiastic, very simple and very likable, who was trying to imbibe new ideas and understand the present day world”. In February 1927, the Maulana participated as a representative of the Ghadar Party at an anti-imperialism international conference held at Brussels where he met Jawahar Lal Nehru for the second time, who represented the Indian National Congress at the Conference.
Finally, Barakatullah left for San Francisco, accompanied by Mahendra Pratap, in July 1927 on the invitation of the Ghadar Party. But his condition suddenly worsened and he breathed his last on the night of 27th September,1927. Raja Mahendra Pratp acted as his closest relation on that occasion. He was buried in Sacramento Historic Cemetery. His funeral was attended by large numbers of Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. On his death a glowing tribute was paid to him in the United State of India, a publication of the Ghadar Party, a small portion of which is quoted below: ” His death is a great loss to India in that it constitutes a serious blow to the revolutionary movement whose main pillar he had been for more than thirty years. The loss will not be easily forgotten, nor will the gap created soon be filled. Heroes like Barakatullah are not born everyday… He wandered from place to place as a political refugee. It was just a matter of good fortune that he did not actually fall into the enemy’s trap, from which there would have been no escape”.

*Former Chairman, Department of Islamic Studies, AMU, Aligarh

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

અમદાવાદ પોલિસ કમિશનરનું જાહેરનામું: નાગરિક સ્વાતંત્ર્ય પર તરાપ મારવાની પ્રક્રિયાનો એક ભાગ

- હેમંતકુમાર શાહ  અમદાવાદના પોલિસ કમિશનરનું લોકશાહી વિરોધી વધુ એક પગલું ચૂંટણી ટાણે જોવા મળ્યું છે.   તા. ૧૬-૦૪-૨૦૨૪ના રોજ તેમણે એક જાહેરનામું બહાર પાડીને ફોજદારી કાર્યવાહી અધિનિયમ-૧૯૭૩ની કલમ-૧૪૪ આખા શહેરમાં લાગુ કરી જણાવ્યું છે કે "કોઈ પણ પ્રચારપ્રસાર રેલી દરમ્યાન કોઈ એ કાળા વાવટા ફરકાવવા નહિ કે ઉશ્કેરણીજનક બેનર કે પ્લે કાર્ડ બતાવવું નહિ અથવા કોઈ વિરોધમાં ઉશ્કેરણીજનક સૂત્રોચ્ચાર કરવો નહિ."

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.