सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Event report: Rural realities and Union Budget 2022-23


By IMPRI Team
According to the Population Census of 2011, the percentage of people residing in rural areas is close to 69% of the Indian population. As per another report by the Government of India, the percentage of the Indian population that was situated Below the Poverty Line (BPL) in 2011-2012 amounted to 21.9%. Needless to say, people affected by rural poverty contribute to a large chunk of the percentage. Therefore, the development of rural areas in terms of economy and viability of professional options is much needed. Hence, to have a look at the Rural budget separately becomes of utmost importance.
To discuss the story of the rural realities, a panel discussion on Rural Realities and the Union Budget 2022-23 was organised by IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute, New Delhi under the series The State of Villages – #RuralRealities in the presence of Dr J. Dennis Rajakumar as the chair, Prof. C.S.C Sekhar, Himanshu Shekhar Mishra and Dr Jyotsna Jha as panelists.

Background

Dr J. Dennis Rajakumar initiated the discussion by explaining the importance of the rural economy, which in some way represents the Indian economy and hence, has always been a central subject in Budgets of the Government. He drew attention to how the Budget 2022-23 will impact the rural realities. He stated that the GDP has risen by 9.2% in 2021-22 against a 6% fall in 2020 due to massive lockdown and in 2022-23 is expected to grow by 8 to 8.5%. Discussing the reasons behind this increase, he spoke about the rise in the private final consumption level, which was drastically affected during the pandemic, and gross capital expenditure.
In rural India, almost 69% of the total population resides and 67% of the households are located in rural areas. So, the drop in private final consumption was a rural or urban phenomenon and remains a question. The dependence of almost 90% of the rural population on the informal sector with 80% on cash on employment led to an increase in the hardships for the poor due to the pandemic- induced lockdown and thus, there is a need to discuss of how this ‘booster budget’ would help in improving the present plight of the rural economy.

Employment Creation and Capacity Building

Dr Jyotsna Jha talked about the problem of unemployment rates, which are expected to be much higher than what was shown in the data. She also highlighted the fact that during the pandemic, women’s unemployment has grown much higher than men’s unemployment. She also expressed concern about the reduction in the allocation for MGNREGA, which has always been a source of rural unemployment for unskilled workers and has the ultimate aim of building infrastructure and maintaining the rural economy in line.
One of the main reasons behind the declining GDP during the pandemic is a fall in the consumption expenditure. Hence, as compared to the need for capital expenditure, which will help to increase employment in the long run, we need direct benefit transfers into the hands of those who will spend the complete amount and MGNREGA is a major scheme for the same.
She also drew attention towards education and nutrition which are of immense importance with the objective of increasing employment in the country. Programmes like E-Vidya announced in the financial blueprint would not benefit the students in the rural areas and there are many bottlenecks with the same, like inadequate number of teachers staffing and recruitment and hence low income in rural areas. Expanding her conversation to nutrition, she spoke about Aanganwadi which have always been a major employer of rural women but in the Budget, there hasn’t been any change or improvements in the same. The only sector which maintained steady growth during the pandemic is the agriculture sector and given the money and technology in their hands, it could help them to perform more efficiently. Hence, the rural sector shouldn’t be looked like a place for passive investment but a highly potential space of inclusive growth.

Status of Agricultural and its Potential

Prof. CSC Sekhar talked about two parts in the agriculture growth which are:
  • What led to growth in agriculture and
  • Growth in the subsections of agriculture
It is expected that agriculture would see a growth of 3.9% but disappointingly, there hasn’t been any specific allocation for the same. Along with agriculture, livestock and fisheries are also extremely important for the rural economy which wasn’t given the requisite attention. Additionally, stating the major sectors of income for rural India, he told that with a 55% increase in the income from livestock there has been a decline in income from the crop sector by 40%.
He also seemed to praise the government’s step towards increasing capital investment in agriculture through doubling the allocation for Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana, increasing agriculture infrastructure fund by 150%, clubbing various projects under Krishi Unnati Yojana and ample allocation for Animal Disease programmes which is of utmost importance for the animal husbandry sector playing a major role in India’s rural economy. He also welcomed National Livestock Mission, Production Linked Incentive schemes that are immensely helping food processing industries and small scale industries.
Furthermore, the government’s concern towards food storage and warehousing is also appreciable and it could be evidenced from the Budget itself. However, the reduction in the allocation for the MGNREGA programme is premature. Talking about reforms and improvements for the agricultural growth, sir suggests increasing the use of the latest technology as the Government already seems to work for the same but at the same time, there is a need for the young population to build interest in farming and encouraging them to accept this sector with innovation.

Key Takeaways from the Budget 2022-23

Mr Himanshu Shekhar Mishra shared his experience with the farmers of western Uttar Pradesh and how, for the first time, Indian farmers have been at the forefront of Indian economical debate with the Agriculture Acts of 2020.
On the basis of such interactions, he put forth the expectations of the farmers from the Union Budget, 2022-23; some of them for increasing the fertilizer subsidy, having a strict rule for MSP allocation as the cost of production exceeds the income they are getting and containment of inflation, especially in rural areas, to ensure sustenance.
Moving on, he highlighted pointers from the latest Budget concerning agriculture: increase in the Ministry of Agriculture’s budget from 1,23,000 crores in 2021-22 to 1,32,000 crores in 2022-23; 2,37,000 crores of MSP payment to 1,63,000 crore farmers; 1,400 crores for the Ken Betwa Link project with more than 9,00,000 hectares of land being irrigated; chemical free natural farming; NABARD facilitating supply of more funds; use of Kisan Drones while spraying insecticides and pesticides; a rationalized scheme to increase oil seeds production inthe country; declaration of the year 2023 as the international year of millets, enhancing consumption of millet products; and finally, reducing the budget for MGNERGA.
Although the farmers were expecting more subsidies with respect to the fertilizers and pesticides, there was a cut for the same this year. Mr Mishra also explained how the demand of MGNREGA-related incentives went up during the first wave of COVID-19 as the country witnessed reverse migration and 1.14 crores migrant workers returned their homes, as per the February 2021 data by Mr Santosh Gangwar. Thus, on one hand, unemployment was shooting skies during the pandemic and on the other hand, there was an increase in allocation of 40,000 crores under the COVID-relief package announced by the Finance Minister.
He also mentioned about the lack of official real-time unemployment data which hampers the assessment and way forward. The Economic Survey for this year presented right before the Budget, also shows increased targeted cash-flow, Rs 16,50,000 crores, from agriculure due to the increased focus on infrastructure developments in agriculture.

Way forward

Post the panel discussion, questions were raised regarding the flexible nature of budget allocation under MGNERA. To which, Mr Mishra replied how MGNREGA is a demand driven scheme and inversely proportional to many variables, such as the state of monsoon. While answering another question, Mr Mishra explained the complex situation of MSP. Throughout the negotiation talks between the farmers’ unions and the government, one of the major demands was implementation of a rational law for MSP. Although the government promised formulating a new committee solely devoted to the issue, there has been no formal updates.
Extending this further, Prof SCS Sekhar suspended that MGNERGA, being a legal initiative confirms some incentive to those registered with it, be it in the form of an employment or as an unemployment allowance. However, if MSP is legalized, the failure in not getting satisfactory revenue or there are lack of deficiency payments, the farmers will incur huge losses as the cost of production in agriculture is much higher, making it a risky bet.
Answering the questions raised by out Chair, Dr Jyotsna Jha explained that how the gap between the wages from MGNREGA and wages from other work has deteriorated over the years. She also elaborated on the implications of health insurance schemes for the rural population due to the lack of infrastructure and awareness. The event was concluded with closing remarks by each panellist on whether the Union Budget 2022-23 heed to the revival of rural employment scenario and rual demand.

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

અમદાવાદ પોલિસ કમિશનરનું જાહેરનામું: નાગરિક સ્વાતંત્ર્ય પર તરાપ મારવાની પ્રક્રિયાનો એક ભાગ

- હેમંતકુમાર શાહ  અમદાવાદના પોલિસ કમિશનરનું લોકશાહી વિરોધી વધુ એક પગલું ચૂંટણી ટાણે જોવા મળ્યું છે.   તા. ૧૬-૦૪-૨૦૨૪ના રોજ તેમણે એક જાહેરનામું બહાર પાડીને ફોજદારી કાર્યવાહી અધિનિયમ-૧૯૭૩ની કલમ-૧૪૪ આખા શહેરમાં લાગુ કરી જણાવ્યું છે કે "કોઈ પણ પ્રચારપ્રસાર રેલી દરમ્યાન કોઈ એ કાળા વાવટા ફરકાવવા નહિ કે ઉશ્કેરણીજનક બેનર કે પ્લે કાર્ડ બતાવવું નહિ અથવા કોઈ વિરોધમાં ઉશ્કેરણીજનક સૂત્રોચ્ચાર કરવો નહિ."

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.