सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Gender and Union budget 2022-23: Silence on concerns of social protection


By IMPRI Team
Research has shown that, globally, women had to disproportionately bear the brunt of the Covid-19 pandemic. In India, Female Labour Force Participation fell to a historic low of 21% in 2019, and gender disparity widened across employment, health, political participation, and education. Given the precarious condition of Indian women, it is imperative to analyze the Union Budget 2022-23 from a gendered lens and see how the central government intends to bridge this inequality.
Under this backdrop, the IMPRI Gender Impact Study Center, Impact and Policy Research Institute, New Delhi, hosted a panel discussion on Gender and Budget 2022-23.
The talk was chaired by Prof. Vibhuti Patel, Visiting Professor, IMPRI, and Mr. Ravi Duggal, Independent Social, Public Health Researcher, and Activist. The Panelists for the event were Prof. N. Manimekalai, Ms. Seema Kulkarni, Dr. Sanghamitra Dhar, Ms. Jasodhara Dasgupta, and Ms. Renu Khanna.
Prof. Patel and Mr. Duggal commenced the discussion by introducing the panelists and giving a brief outline of the budget 2022-23. Mr. Duggal opined that the budget is capital-oriented, and there has been a shift from welfare programs to private sector programs. There has been a reduction in several welfare schemes such as MNREGA, food subsidies, rural livelihood, etc. The funds have been relocated to help the private sector.
Coming to the gendered aspect of the budget, he highlighted that the gender budget has remained flat for some years hovering around 4-5%. Additionally, on the income side, it appears that the Government is not concerned about tax revenue as the tax to GDP ratio remains at only 10%.
Moving on with the discussion, Dr. Sangamitra Dhar stated that the gender lens on the budget is still a work in progress. While speaking on the subject, she stressed majorly on capacity building of the Ministry and stakeholders to carry forward and implement the schemes to foster women’s empowerment. Coming to this year’s Budget, she believed that gender equity through this budget looks encouraging. Women will definitely benefit from all the policies surrounding digitization, privatization, better infrastructure, and mental health programs. According to her, the allocations in the budget are enough, but the capacity building at the state and center levels is not enough and needs to be worked upon.
Ms. Jasodhara Dasgupta brought to the discussion the nutrition and social security conditions of women in India and the budgetary allocation for the same. She introduced the topic by giving the statistics on Indian women’s health conditions as recorded in the NFHS-5 data. The data shows that anemia levels in women have gone up across all age groups, and the percentage of thin women has reduced only from 23% to 19%.
Despite such dire conditions, the allocation for essential schemes such as supplementary nutrition has been reduced from the last budget if we adjust for 5% annual inflation. Additionally, the allocation for Mid Day Meals in schools and subsidies for cooking fuel has been reduced.
Coming to social security, India’s human development rank stands at 131 out of 189 countries. Research has shown that India’s spending on social security is much less than the global average, and inequality has increased considerably over the last year. There persists a significant gender gap in social security in India. All the laws and policies for social protection are employment-based, and women lose out on this protection since FLFP is extremely low and 95% of women work in the informal sector.
She provided specific recommendations for engendering the budget, such as universalizing the PDS Scheme, bringing back ICDS, providing maternity protection, and pension and social security for transgender, widow, the elderly, etc.
Ms. Renu Khanna spoke about the Union Budget 2022-23 and Gender from a health perspective. She highlighted that the health budget has only been allocated 2.26% of the total budget even though health expenditure as a percentage of total expenditure was 2.46% in the year 2020-21. It is, however, equally important to note that in the Union Budget 2022-23, we should have seen major allocations to the Health sector given the problems faced by people in India during the COVID-19 pandemic.
India is currently facing shortfalls in human resources with regards to healthcare resources, infrastructure and health workforce. She further provided statistics to highlight the reduction of routine reproductive health services in India that clearly reflect the situation on the ground.
Delving deeper into the discussion, Ms. Renu stated that schemes like Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission and National Tele Mental Health will lead to a gender gap in digital inclusion or digital divide due to lack of access to the internet and devices like smartphones to all. She further spoke about PM- JAY and insurance schemes that have been introduced without taking into account the various demographic groups and, sexual and reproductive health of women.
Suggesting the issues we need to focus on concerning health, gender and budget, she emphasized on the necessity to increase expenditure on health and the need to strengthen and expand public health services, in particular, primary health.
Talking about agriculture and allied activities from a gender perspective and highlighting the issues faced by farmers and women in agriculture, Ms.Seema Kulkarni stated that the entire focus of the budget is towards privatization and the budget allocation for the agriculture sector doesn’t allow us to understand the allotment for its different components. She further highlighted the importance to recognize the engagement of women in agriculture and the need for policies that support and encourage gender diversification, especially women, in the agriculture sector.
As per the Census of India, only 26% of female cultivators have access to direct agricultural credit which is certainly a matter of serious concern. She further discussed the role of organizations like MAKAAM (Mahila Kisan Adhikar Manch) in advocating women’s rights, and providing equal access to resources. It is evident that over the years, the proportion of women account holders has increased significantly even though women’s access to credit is abysmal.
Seema Kulkarni further mentioned the significance of recognition through registrations of women workers and the call for improvement and advancement of women’s rights over land, nature, and forests.
Further, Prof. N. Manimekalai talks about low Female Labour Force Participation (FLFP). She highlights that women’s participation in the labor force had always been low, and after the pandemic, it became worse. Pandemic forced women to move to casual labor, and they had to manage work with household chores. She also highlighted the massive digital divide between males and females in India and mentioned that only 21% of Indian women use mobile internet compared to 42% of men.
Given the poor employment ecosystem for women, the budget has offered no positive direction for women’s employment. She opined that the budget’s preference for capital expenditure in infrastructure projects would not benefit women compared to men.
While the construction industry has improved over the years, women’s presence has declined. Additionally, while most of the budget is focused on digitalization, it is not sure how it will ensure employment creation.
She also talked about disparity in the self-employment and entrepreneurship sector. While women-led enterprises are increasing, their marketing is not enough, hindering their competency. She believes that women and child protection schemes are lacking, and the capital expenditure-led budget will not benefit them. There is a need to acknowledge the employment crisis, universalize PDS allocation, strengthen SHGs, and provide better social protection.
Prof Vibhuti Patel summed up the entire discussion by stating that the Union Budget 2022-23 is silent on the concerns of social protection and has not focused on issues of inflation, access to education and healthcare for all. She also mentioned that there has been a reduction in fund allocation for National schemes such as MNREGA that benefit the population falling under BPL (Below Poverty Line).
Ravi Duggal added that the gender budget statement should be developed by undertaking gender audits and that we need to focus on strengthening gender- disaggregated data.
Dr. Sanghamitra Dhar and Prof. N. Manimekalai concluded by saying that we need to understand the multi-stakeholder roles in the gender budget conversation and that it is high time we formulate and implement policies for women in different fields including agriculture.

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

અમદાવાદ પોલિસ કમિશનરનું જાહેરનામું: નાગરિક સ્વાતંત્ર્ય પર તરાપ મારવાની પ્રક્રિયાનો એક ભાગ

- હેમંતકુમાર શાહ  અમદાવાદના પોલિસ કમિશનરનું લોકશાહી વિરોધી વધુ એક પગલું ચૂંટણી ટાણે જોવા મળ્યું છે.   તા. ૧૬-૦૪-૨૦૨૪ના રોજ તેમણે એક જાહેરનામું બહાર પાડીને ફોજદારી કાર્યવાહી અધિનિયમ-૧૯૭૩ની કલમ-૧૪૪ આખા શહેરમાં લાગુ કરી જણાવ્યું છે કે "કોઈ પણ પ્રચારપ્રસાર રેલી દરમ્યાન કોઈ એ કાળા વાવટા ફરકાવવા નહિ કે ઉશ્કેરણીજનક બેનર કે પ્લે કાર્ડ બતાવવું નહિ અથવા કોઈ વિરોધમાં ઉશ્કેરણીજનક સૂત્રોચ્ચાર કરવો નહિ."