सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Donations to BJP decreased 39.23%, Congress' 46.39%; Prudent Electoral Trust top donor

Excerpts from the report "Analysis of Donations Received above Rs 20,000 by National Political Parties, FY 2020-21", prepared by Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), based on donations, as submitted by the parties to the Election Commission of India (ECI) [the National parties include Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Indian National Congress (INC), Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), Communist Party of India (CPI), Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM), All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) and National People’s Party (NPEP)]:

1. Status of Submission of Contribution reports of National Parties, FY 2020-21

a) The due date for submission of contribution reports for the parties was 30 September 2021.
b) Only BSP submitted its contribution report on time while NCP, AITC, CPM, NPEP, INC, BJP and CPI submitted after a delay of 10 days, 117 days, 136 days, 137 days, 161 days, 164 days and 178 days, respectively.

2. Donations above Rs 20,000 to National Parties from all over India, FY 2020-21

a) The total donations (above Rs 20, 000) declared by the National parties for FY 2020-21 was Rs 593.748 cr from 3753 donations.
b) A total of Rs 477.545 cr from 2206 donations was declared by BJP followed by Rs 74.524 cr from 1077 donations declared by INC. The donations declared by BJP are more than four times the aggregate declared by INC, NCP, CPI, CPM, NPEP and AITC for the same period.
c) BSP declared that the party did not receive any donations above Rs 20,000 during FY 2020-21, as it has been declaring for the past 15 years.

3. Comparison of donations received by National parties during FY 2019-20 and FY 2020-21

a) For this comparison, we are not taking National People's Party’s income amount as the party’s donation statement is not available on ECI website for FY 2019-20.
b) The total donations of the National parties during FY 2020-21 decreased by Rs 420.652 cr, a decrease of 41.49% from the previous financial year 2019-20.
c) Donations to BJP decreased from Rs 785.77 cr during FY 2019-20 to Rs 477.545 cr during FY 2020-21 (39.23% decrease). While the party’s donations increased by 5.88% during FY 2019-20 in comparison to FY 2018-19.
d) INC’s donations decreased from Rs 139.016 cr during FY 2019-20 to Rs 74.524 cr during FY 2020-21 (46.39% decrease). While INC’s donations decreased by 6.44% between FY 2018-19 and FY 2019-20.
e) In a comparison of the previous FY decrease in donations declared by AITC was 94.74% (Rs 7.6585 cr), NCP - 56.19% (Rs 33.685 cr) and CPM- 34.49% (Rs 6.7925 cr).

4. State-wise donations to National Parties: FY 2020-21

a) Segregation of donations according to state was made by ADR based on the addresses provided by the parties in their donations report to the ECI.
b) A total of Rs 246.502 cr was donated to the National Parties from Delhi, followed by Rs 71.681 cr from Maharashtra and Rs 47.071 cr from Gujarat.
c) A total of Rs 37.912 cr, (6.39% of total donations received by the National parties, FY 2020-21), could not be attributed to any State/ Union Territory due to Incomplete/Undeclared information provided by the parties.

5. Donors from corporates/business sectors Vs. individual donors

a) 1399 donations to the National parties were made by corporate/business sectors amounting to Rs 480.725 cr (80.9645% of total donations) while 2257 individual donors donated Rs 111.58 cr (18.7925% of total donations) to the parties during FY 2020-21.
b) 1111 donations from corporate/business sectors were made to BJP (Rs 416.794 cr) while 1071 individual donors donated Rs 60.37 cr to the party during FY 2020-21.
c) INC received a total of Rs 35.89 cr via 146 donations from corporate/business sectors and Rs 38.634 cr via 931 individual donors during FY 2020-21.
d) BJP (Rs 416.794 cr) received more than six times the total amount (Rs 63.931 cr) of corporate donations declared by all other National parties for the FY 2020-21.

6. Top donors to National Parties, FY 2020-21

a) Prudent Electoral Trust donated a total of Rs 216.00 cr to BJP, NCP and INC together and is the top donor to parties that received the maximum donations. The Trust donated Rs 209.00 cr to BJP (43.766% of total funds received by the party), Rs 5.00 cr to NCP (19.04% of total funds received by the party). and Rs 2 cr to INC (2.68% of total funds received by the party).
b) IRB Infrastructure Developers Ltd (Rs 20.00 cr, 1 donation), Modern Road Makers Pvt Ltd. Ltd. (Rs 20.00 cr, 1 donation) and Saranjay Brahma (Rs 14.46 cr, 4 donations) are some of other top donors of BJP in the FY 2020-21.
c) BJP and INC received a total of Rs 10.00 cr (2.09%) and Rs 60 lakhs (0.81%), respectively from Nirma Ltd.

Observations

1. NCP, AITC, CPM, NPEP, INC, BJP and CPI submitted contribution reports after a delay of 10 days, 117 days, 136 days, 137 days, 161 days, 164 days and 178 days, respectively.
2. It is to be noticed that INC declared Rs 74.504 cr but the actual calculated amount is Rs 74.524 cr and CPM had declared Rs 12.854 cr but the actual calculated amount is Rs 12.901 cr in their donation statements for FY 202021.
3. 5 National parties, BJP, INC, CPM, CPI and NPEP had not declared PAN details of 171 donations through which the parties collected a total of Rs 2.746 cr (0.46% of the total donations declared by National parties).
4. 4 National Parties (INC- Rs 5.43 cr, BJP-Rs 63.50 lakhs, CPM- Rs 2 lakhs and NCP- Rs 1 lakh) have declared Rs 6.095 cr from 43 donations having missing/incorrect PAN details.
5. BJP declared 252 donations of Rs 81.383 cr, INC collected 90 donations worth Rs 12.21 cr, AITC collected 26 donations of Rs 42.50 lakhs, CPM collected 26 donations of Rs 17.35 lakhs, NPEP collected 3 donations of Rs 8.35 lakhs and CPI collected 1 donation of Rs 50,000 having incomplete cheque/DD details where cheque number, bank details on which it was drawn and the date on which the cheque was received/ encashed is not provided. Thus, without the complete cheque/DD details, it would be a time-consuming process to link the donors against their donations and hence trace the money trail.
6. As done for the last 15 years, BSP has remarkably declared again that the party did not receive any donations above Rs 20,000.

Recommendations

1. The Supreme Court gave a judgment on September 13, 2013 declaring that no part of a candidate’s affidavit should be left blank. Similarly, no part of the Form 24A submitted by political parties providing details of donations above Rs 20,000 should be blank.
2. All donors who have donated a minimum of Rs 20,000 as a single or multiple donations should provide their PAN details.
3. Full details of all donors should be made available for public scrutiny under the RTI. Some countries where this is done include Bhutan, Nepal, Germany, France, Italy, Brazil, Bulgaria, the US and Japan. In none of these countries is it possible for nearly 50% of the source of funds to be unknown, but at present it is so in India.
4. The National parties should, ideally, lead by example by filing complete and correct statements of donations to the ECI well in time for public scrutiny so as to encourage financial transparency.
5. It is suggested that the ECI publicize on its website details of the action taken (if any) against political parties that fail to provide required details (such as name, address, PAN and mode of payment) of individuals, companies or entities making donations in cash.
6. Incomplete contributions reports having missing or incorrect PAN/mode of payment details must be returned to the parties by the ECI, to deter them from providing incomplete information.
7. The National and Regional political parties must provide all information of their finances under the Right to Information Act. This will go a long way in strengthening political parties, elections and democracy.
8. Annual scrutiny of donations reports of National, Regional and unrecognized parties should be initiated by a dedicated department of the CBDT, to discourage donations from shell companies or illegal entities.

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

0 - प्रमोद रंजन  भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

રામનવમીના દિવસે મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને વિસ્તારોને અસામાજિક તત્વોથી રક્ષણ આપવી

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  પોલિસ મહાનિદેશક, ગુજરાત, ને આવનારા રામનવમીના તહેવારમાં નીકળતા જુલૂસમાં આવતા અસામાજિક તત્વોથી મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને મુસ્લિમ વિસ્તારોના રક્ષણ બાબત પત્ર:  આપ જાણો છો કે આવનારી 17મી એપ્રિલ ના રોજ રામનવમીનો તહેવાર છે. પાછલા વર્ષોના અનુભવ દ્વારા આપણે જાણીએ છીએ કે હિન્દુ ધાર્મિક તહેવારો મુસ્લિમોને હેરાન કરવા અને તેમના ધાર્મિક સ્થળો તેમજ દુકાનો મકાનોને નુકસાન કરવા માટેના માધ્યમ બની ગયા છે. 

सुप्रीम कोर्ट का चिकित्सा की दुनिया में बाबाओं की मनमानी को रोकने का प्रयास सराहनीय

- राम पुनियानी*  पिछले कुछ दशकों में भारत में कई बाबाओं का उदय हुआ है. इसके पहले भी बाबा हुआ करते थे मगर इन दिनों बाबाओं का जितना राजनैतिक और सामाजिक दबदबा है, उतना पहले शायद कभी नहीं रहा. कई बाबा अनेक तरह के काले कामों में लिप्त भी पाए गए हैं मगर उनकी दैवीय छवि के चलते उनके अपराधों को नज़रअंदाज़ किया जाता रहा है. 

18થી નાની ઉંમરના 1,15,129 બાળકો શાળા બહાર? વાસ્તવિક આંકડો 15-20 ગણો વધું

- સુખદેવ પટેલ*  16 એપ્રિલથી સમગ્ર ગુજરાતમાં શાળા બહારના 6 થી 19 વર્ષની ઉંમરના બાળકોનો સર્વે શરૂ થયો છે.  જે 26 એપ્રિલ સુધી ચાલશે. જેની જવાબદારી સરકારી શાળાના શિક્ષકોને સોંપવામાં આવી છે. અત્યારે પ્રાથમિક શાળાઓમાં વાર્ષિક પરીક્ષાઓ ચાલી રહી છે. લોકસભાની ચૂંટણીઓના કામ પણ શિક્ષકોને ભાગે કરવાના આવશે. શિક્ષકો કેટલું કરી શક્શે? શિક્ષકો પાસેથી વ્યાજબી રીતે કેટલી અપેક્ષાઓ રાખવી જોઈએ? RTE ની જોગવાઈઓ મુજબ દરેક બાળક શિક્ષણ મેળવી શકે, તે માટે શાળા બહારના બાળકોને સર્વે કરીને શોધી કાઢવાનું ઉમદા કામ સરકાર વિચારે છે, તે આવકારદાયક છે. આવાં ઉત્તમ કામમાં જેમને સીધો લાભ થવાનો છે,  તેવાં હિતધારકોની પ્રતિનિધિ સમિતિ SMC સ્કૂલ મેનેજમેન્ટ કમિટી આ જવાબદારી સારી રીતે ઉપાડી શકે તેમ છે. શિક્ષણ વિભાગ SSA તરફથી આ કામગીરીમાં SMC ની ભાગીદારીનું આયોજન કરીને યોગ્ય માર્ગદર્શિકા તૈયાર કરવી જોઈએ.

ई.वी.एम. के खिलाफ सत्याग्रह क्यों? मतपत्र वापस लाना आज क्यों ज़रूरी हो गया है?

- संदीप पाण्डेय*  चुनाव का पारा चढ़ रहा है और राजनीतिक दल प्रचार में जोर-शोर से लग गए हैं लेकिन चुनाव की घोषणा के बाद भी एक मुद्दा जो ठण्डा होने का नाम नहीं ले रहा है वह है इलेक्ट्रॉनिक वोटिंग मशीन व उसके साथ लगा हुआ वोटर वेरीफायेबल पेपर ऑडिट ट्रेल। सरकार में बैठे हुए व भारतीय जनता पार्टी से जुड़े हुए लोगों के अलावा आम जनता के मन में बड़े पैमाने पर इ.वी.एम. व वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के प्रति संदेह घर कर गया है। हरदोई, उन्नाव व सीतापुर के आम अनपढ़ ग्रामीण आपको बताएंगे कि इ.वी.एम. जो मत वे डालते हैं उन्हें नहीं मालूम वह कहां चला जाता है? सीतापुर की महमूदाबाद तहसील के चांदपुर-फरीदपुर गांव के बनारसी बताते हैं कि पिछले चुनाव में उन्होंने इ.वी.एम. पर हाथी का बटन दबाया था किंतु वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के शीशे में कमल का चिन्ह दिखाई पड़ा इसलिए उन्हें इ.वी.एम. पर बिल्कुल भरोसा नहीं है।

प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ के स्थापना दिवस पर फिलिस्तीनी जनता के साथ एकजुटता

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