सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Local protest, global solidarity: why is Ban Mae Ngud's Karen community restive?

Youth demonstration. Courtesy: Mekong Youth Voice
By Camellia Biswas* 
As part of the "Indigenous and More Than Human Relationships" workshop, I took a short field trip to Ban Mae Ngud, a village in Thailand—not even marked correctly on Google maps — is on the verge of flooding, and the locals will have to relocate if the Yuam-Salween-water-diversion project goes ahead.
Interactions with the local ethnic group reminded me of Narmada Bachao Andolan and Tehri Dam Andolan. I realized their protest, dissent, loss, and sorrow are not dissimilar to what has been happening in my own country, India, or even worldwide, particularly in the global South.
Ban Mae Ngud is inhabited by the Karen Pow ethnic community of Thailand, and the main river utilized for farming is now clogged with heavy siltation by sand due to the Bhumibol Dam built in 1964. The continuous protests didn't stop the state from executing the project. In a few years, it flooded the Mae Ngud neighbourhoods. The administrative authorities assigned new sites to the people in a different sub-district of Ban An. However, the Karens refused to move there because of the dense jungle, which would completely change their livelihood options. Due to excessive flooding, the villagers had to relocate to a nearby area, around 200 meters away from their native settlement. The relocation was full of struggle—rebuilding their houses. Their rice farms got destroyed due to flooding and changes in soil composition, which led them to think of alternatives and other sources of income.
Using their traditional ecological knowledge, the locals now have found water flowing under the sand, which they pump to water their longan plantation—their primary income source, followed by cattle rearing.
However, this won't continue for long if the 70 Billion Baht (1.85 Billion USD) Yuam-Salween-Water Diversion Project goes forward. The project claims to have numerous advantages, including an increase in water supply, extensively irrigated areas along the Chao Phraya and Ping Rivers, and an increase in the Bhumibol Dam's capacity to generate electricity. A tunnel will be built 300 to 1000 meters below, cutting across mountains and forests to transport water to major cities in Thailand. The EIA report claimed that only 25 households would be affected, which the locals countered by calling it flawed, incomplete, and socio-ecologically destructive for various reasons[i]. For example, it is expected to disrupt local ecosystems and destroy around 3,641 rai of the forest [ii], and a total area of soil dirt of 444.51 rai (mentioned in the EIA) will become habitable. That includes most of the residential areas of Ban Mae Ngud village. They are worried about another displacement since their current hamlet is at the end of the water tunnel used by the Diversion Project and will soon be affected by the dirt piling and toxicity of the environment.
The locals first agreed to this project unknowingly when the officials misrepresented several facts, like the fact that the Mae Ngud residents would receive additional water for agricultural purposes. Whereas the headman learnt about the Yuam Diversion Project much later when the EIA was already completed in 2021. As they discovered more about the project's problems, like repeated flooding, displacement, and no compensation, they decided to oppose it.
Karen women are also acquainted with their impending precarity and discrimination, having followed the Diversion Project. With the worry of being homeless, they feel the settlement won't have potable water or fertile land to produce because flooding and harmful pollutant releases will "destroy the ecology." The village youth are also active participants in the protest because if relocated, there will be no school for them to attend, and they will also be unable to afford a quality health facility.
Participatory map of the Ban Mae Ngud
The headman in the interview says they fear powerful outsiders who misrepresent them on local and national platforms (newspapers and television) as "anti-development" people. They have accepted their fate of fighting their battle in loneliness without support from other ethnic communities, not even Karen Pows from different regions of Thailand. Though frazzled with uncertainty, the Mae Ngud locals have declared they will continue their protest[iii] and keep fighting for land entitlement with little help and guidance.
"All we need is to be heard and supported, not just nationally but internationally. So that more and more people start to believe us."
They are not just protesting the project's dreadful consequences but also claiming meaningful participation in development processes and engagement with project proponents. Most indigenous communities fighting against similar development-induced displacement projects demand recognition, representation through their protests, less obvious and "slower" forms of mobilization, and contestation over scientific knowledge.
Social scientists and activists like Prof. Chayan Vaddhanaphuti, and others from different universities have been organizing discussions and academic demonstrations with human rights activists and reporters[vi]. They have collaborated with the Karens to bring socio-environmental injustice to the national stage, hoping that public confrontations and contestations will impede the Diversion Project. And as for the international community, we must express our solidarity with the Karens because it indicates the shared suffering and vulnerabilities of what is happening to them, which has happened to many socially disadvantaged groups worldwide. This camaraderie should be a reminder of the state's socio-political and ecological injustice that has destroyed many local communities' lives and livelihoods and caused irreparable damage to their centuries-old socio-cultural identities.

ADDITIONAL REFERENCES

[i] Refer the media activist Apinya Wipatayotin link to his article:https://www.bangkokpost.com/thailand/general/2183075/villagers-slam-eia-report-on-yuam-water-project.
[ii] Rai. means a unit of measurement of land in Thailand. A unit of surface expressed in Rai is equal to 1600 square meters in metric measurement, 1 acre is approx 2,5 Rai.
[iii] To know more about the protest, visit https://www.mymekong.org/document/salween-basin-villagers-letters-to-thai-minister-of-agriculture-re-water-diversion-scheme-from-the-salween-to-chao-praya-basin/
[iv] McDuie-Ra, D. (2011). The dilemmas of pro-development actors: viewing state–ethnic minority relations and intra-ethnic dynamics through contentious development projects. Asian Ethnicity, 12(1), 77-100
[v] Hengsuwan, P. (2019). Not only anti-dam: Simplistic rendering of complex Salween communities in their negotiation for development in Thailand. Knowing the Salween River: Resource politics of a contested transboundary river, 181.
[vi] Refer to Demanding for suspension the cabinet’s review of the Yuam/Salween Water Diversion Project to Bhumibol Dam, villagers -academics-MPs-conservationists voicing their opposition https://transbordernews.in.th/home/?p=28887
[vii] Vaddhanaphuti, C., Lwin, K. M., Shining, N., Deetes, P., & Edward Grumbine, R. (2019). Future Trajectories: Five Short Concluding Reflections. In Knowing the Salween River: Resource Politics of a Contested Transboundary River (pp. 279-303). Springer, Cham.
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Camellia is a PhD Candidate in the Humanities and Social Sciences discipline of IIT Gandhinagar, Gujarat India, majoring in Ecological Anthropology. Her major research interests are: Political and Cultural Ecology, Disaster studies and Decolonial research methodologies. She is a British Council Women leadership Fellow, 2022 and a Inlaks-RS conservation Grantee for 2021-22

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

અમદાવાદ પોલિસ કમિશનરનું જાહેરનામું: નાગરિક સ્વાતંત્ર્ય પર તરાપ મારવાની પ્રક્રિયાનો એક ભાગ

- હેમંતકુમાર શાહ  અમદાવાદના પોલિસ કમિશનરનું લોકશાહી વિરોધી વધુ એક પગલું ચૂંટણી ટાણે જોવા મળ્યું છે.   તા. ૧૬-૦૪-૨૦૨૪ના રોજ તેમણે એક જાહેરનામું બહાર પાડીને ફોજદારી કાર્યવાહી અધિનિયમ-૧૯૭૩ની કલમ-૧૪૪ આખા શહેરમાં લાગુ કરી જણાવ્યું છે કે "કોઈ પણ પ્રચારપ્રસાર રેલી દરમ્યાન કોઈ એ કાળા વાવટા ફરકાવવા નહિ કે ઉશ્કેરણીજનક બેનર કે પ્લે કાર્ડ બતાવવું નહિ અથવા કોઈ વિરોધમાં ઉશ્કેરણીજનક સૂત્રોચ્ચાર કરવો નહિ."

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.