On April 14, 2025, the nation celebrated Ambedkar Jayanti. Many aptly refer to it as ‘Equality Day.’ Nationwide celebrations included lectures and seminars to honor the values and principles of a man who pioneered ideologies and movements striving for equality and democracy. Interestingly, those whose agenda opposes these values—those working toward a Hindu Nation grounded in the ideology of the Manusmriti—also sing Ambedkar’s praises on this day. This ancient text dictates values upholding the caste system and patriarchal norms.
While paying lip service to Ambedkar, RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat equated him to RSS founder K.B. Hedgewar, stating, “Both dedicated their lives to social progress and held a common aspiration for the nation’s growth.” But what commonality exists between Ambedkar’s dream of social equality, democracy, federalism, and caste abolition and Hedgewar’s vision of a Hindu Nation rooted in ancient texts that uphold caste and patriarchy? These are polar opposites. Yet, due to electoral compulsions, paying tribute to Babasaheb has become mandatory, forcing Bhagwat to stretch logic to include Ambedkar among their icons.
Not to be outdone, Prime Minister Narendra Modi criticized the Indian National Congress, stating, “Congress has become the destroyer of the Constitution. Dr. Ambedkar wanted to bring equality… Babasaheb wanted every poor and backward person to live with dignity, hold their head high, have dreams, and fulfill them… Congress has always treated SCs, STs, and OBCs as second-class citizens.”
In reality, Modi distorts the facts. While Ambedkar was critical of Congress and Gandhi on various occasions, it was with Congress and Gandhi that he collaborated most to achieve his goal of social equality. Gandhi is often criticized for betraying the cause of Dalits, particularly regarding the Poona Pact, but this was a practical step toward affirmative action for Dalits.
Gandhi was so influenced by Ambedkar’s positions that he deepened his understanding of caste injustices and made the eradication of untouchability his primary mission for the next two years. He traveled from village to village, ensuring Dalits could enter temples and access village wells—a mission embraced by many Congress workers.
During this period, the founders of BJP’s ideology praised the caste system, arguing it provided stability to Hindu society. Ambedkar’s immense contributions were recognized by national leaders, who were keen to include him in the Constituent Assembly. In her biography, Babasaheb: My Life with Dr. Ambedkar, Savita Ambedkar quotes correspondence between Dr. Rajendra Prasad, President of the Constituent Assembly; Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister-elect; Sardar Patel, Home Minister; G. Mavalankar, Speaker; and B.G. Kher, Chief Minister of Bombay State, highlighting their eagerness to have Ambedkar elected unopposed. For instance, Patel wrote to Mavalankar on July 5, 1947: “Dr. Ambedkar’s nomination has been sent to the PM. I hope there will be no contest, and he will be returned unopposed so he can join on the 14th.”
Congress ensured Babasaheb’s election to the Constituent Assembly and appointed him its Chairman. His participation, supported by Congress, culminated in the Indian Constitution. In contrast, Organiser, the RSS mouthpiece and ideological parent of the BJP, criticized the Constitution as having “nothing Indian about it.” RSS fellow traveler Savarkar opposed it, declaring, “Manusmriti is the Constitution for India.”
Similarly, Ambedkar drafted the Hindu Code Bill, with Nehru’s unwavering support. The bill faced opposition from some within Congress but primarily from Hindu nationalist ideologues, who burned Ambedkar’s effigy on December 12, 1949. While the RSS-BJP upholds a Brahmanical version of Hinduism, Ambedkar declared, “I was born a Hindu, but I will not die a Hindu.”
As the RSS advocated for a Hindu Rashtra, Ambedkar, in the revised edition of his book on Pakistan, opposed it, warning that it could pave the way for a Hindu Raj, which he deemed a tragedy. The BJP’s Hindu nationalist ideology fundamentally opposes Ambedkar’s vision of caste annihilation, a vision also at odds with Modi’s ideology. The RSS, Modi’s parent organization, created the Samajik Samrasta Manch, which promotes caste harmony rather than annihilation.
Some ideologues now argue that since caste annihilation is challenging, strengthening sub-caste identities to secure more privileges is a better approach. This undermines the constitutional principle of fraternity. The RSS also attempts to co-opt sections of Dalits through social engineering and by inventing icons within Dalit sub-communities, imbuing them with values of patriarchy, caste hierarchy, and anti-Muslim sentiment.
The BJP’s response to the Mandal Commission, a significant step toward social justice, is telling. While electoral calculations prevented outright opposition, the BJP intensified its Ram Temple campaign to shift focus. The BJP’s emphasis on identity politics derails the path to social justice, while it has also succeeded in mobilizing sections of deprived youth as foot soldiers who brandish swords in front of mosques.
In contrast, it is Rahul Gandhi of Congress who has emphasized implementing the Constitution as the path to social and economic justice. Blaming Congress for the plight of Dalits and OBCs or for neglecting Babasaheb is a distortion of truth. It is an attempt to shift blame for the BJP’s own actions onto others.
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