We are all aware of what the leaders active in the socialist movement have accomplished over the past 90 years. We are also well-acquainted with the sacrifices made by leaders and workers during the freedom struggle and the socialist movement. For the past 45 years, since I became interested in joining the socialist movement as an activist, I have been keen on understanding and analyzing its history. Inspired by 101-year-old freedom fighter Dr. G.G. Parikh and in collaboration with comrades from the Socialist Samagam, I have actively participated in organizing events to mark the 82nd, 85th, and now the 90th anniversaries of the socialist movement.
The socialist movement’s political party aspect is often given excessive importance, meaning most people are interested in knowing what socialist parties have done. This aspect, tied to party structures and governments, is significant. However, to fully understand the socialist movement, we must also recognize the contributions of non-party socialist organizations, including those of farmers, laborers, youth, women, Dalits, and backward classes, as well as people’s movements, writers, journalists, artists, lyricists, storytellers, intellectuals, and scientists.
Is it not true that before the Congress Socialist Party was formed on May 17, 1934, by 100 socialists in Patna’s Anjuman Islamia Hall, several socialist groups and parties were already active? As early as 1917, following the Russian Revolution and even before that, after Karl Marx wrote the Communist Manifesto, numerous socialist groups had emerged in India. Similarly, just as the 1857 rebellion holds special significance in the history of the freedom struggle, struggles and revolts against the Mughals were taking place even earlier, with thousands of examples recorded in history.
The British established their first factory in Surat in 1613, marking the East India Company’s initial trading post. In 1612, Captain Thomas Best defeated the Portuguese in a naval battle off Surat, after which Emperor Jahangir permitted the British to set up a factory there. Robert Clive attacked Siraj-ud-Daulah in the Battle of Plassey on June 23, 1757, where the British East India Company’s forces, led by Clive, emerged victorious, largely due to the betrayal by Jagat Seth and Mir Jafar. Gradually, the East India Company captured most parts of the country, and later, Company rule transitioned into British Crown rule. Even before 1857, during the Mughal era, struggles and sacrifices were made against the Mughals. Similarly, alongside British oppression, exploitation, and plunder, resistance continued against landlords, princely states, and moneylenders. In summary, it can be said that struggles persisted against the Mughals, the British, and the governments formed in independent India after August 15, 1947.
The desire for freedom and equality has been the driving force behind these struggles. Our history of resistance is as old as our history of subjugation. This article limits itself to the 90 years of the socialist movement and what lies ahead.
The Socialist Movement: Achievements and Shortcomings
We could write a detailed account of the achievements and shortcomings, but broadly speaking, the socialist movement inspired a large number of youths during the freedom struggle to work for social and systemic change. It played a distinctive role in movements to abolish zamindari and princely states, establish a decentralized panchayati system, liberate Goa, restore democracy in Nepal and Burma, resist the Emergency and dictatorship in India, lead student movements under Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), oppose GATT and the Dunkel Draft, end the privatization of banks, railways, and mines, implement the Mandal Commission recommendations, conduct caste-based censuses, and develop alternative concepts of development.
The ideological commitment, indomitable courage, and sacrifices of socialists have been exemplary. Broadly, they embraced the values of freedom, democracy, equality, secularism, and fraternity as their life’s vision. However, their shortcoming was their inability to rise above human weaknesses such as individualism, jealousy, rivalry, and excessive ambition. As a result, socialist groups, organizations, and parties repeatedly fragmented. Institutional and procedural mechanisms to address these weaknesses were not adequately developed by the leadership.
The question is: Are we, as socialist groups, ready to publicly acknowledge our mistakes and shortcomings with the same pride we take in our achievements? This is only possible if we accept that our leaders were human and capable of making mistakes, which they did. We must be prepared to humbly acknowledge these errors. It must be reiterated that these mistakes occurred not only due to individual reasons but also because of the absence of institutional processes within organizations, which allowed individuals to dominate organizations, sometimes even overshadowing them. On the other hand, unnecessary disciplinary actions were taken in the name of discipline, a trend that continues today. In essence, over 90 years, socialists have failed to develop institutional mechanisms to curb their human weaknesses.
Current Challenges
To decide our course of action, we must first outline the current problems we consider challenges: communal violence, entrenched casteism, poverty, illiteracy, lack of healthcare and employment, the planned destruction of farmers, farming, and villages, state repression, inequality, and dictatorship are among the 360 issues that could be listed. These problems are not new, but successive governments have failed to address them adequately. Governments are meant to serve the public’s welfare, not to perpetuate injustice, oppression, exploitation, or plunder.
Between 2014 and 2025, during the BJP-NDA’s “Amrit Kaal,” the country’s problems have taken a monstrous form. The public’s discontent is not only with BJP governments but also with opposition-ruled states, where corruption, state repression, and broken promises persist. Atrocities against farmers, laborers, women, tribals, Dalits, and minorities continue.
In reality, the entire political system is dominated by mafias—liquor, land, sand, drug mafias—and a nexus of corrupt systems. While individuals from different parties are elected, they either surrender to or become part of this mafia system. Only a few voices resonate in legislative assemblies. The primary challenge is that the ruling party and the Sangh Parivar refuse to accept the Constitution, adopted by “We, the People of India,” as the nation’s guiding document. The principles and values outlined in the Constitution’s Preamble—freedom, democracy, socialism, secularism, and fraternity—are under threat.
To counter these challenges, it is essential to ensure that every citizen is aware of the rights granted by the Constitution. I accuse governments of deliberately withholding this information from citizens. Had governments desired, when India’s population was 350 million after independence (roughly 50 million families), the Preamble could have been disseminated to every household. Yet, even today, this has not been done intentionally. This leads to our first program: I believe governments have violated constitutional values and principles the most. Whenever and wherever such violations occur, we must identify and punish the perpetrators. For instance, the Constitution prohibits discrimination or hate speech based on caste, religion, language, gender, or color. If we can ensure legal action against groups spreading hate and division, we can go a long way in preserving the “Idea of India.”
The second issue is the decentralization of wealth. Leaders of the freedom and socialist movements advocated for decentralized power and a strong welfare state, but in reality, power has become increasingly centralized. Despite the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments to strengthen panchayati raj, today’s reality is that the nation’s power is concentrated in the hands of four individuals: Modi, Amit Shah, Adani, and Ambani. Beyond them, power is limited to the PMO (Prime Minister’s Office), CMO (Chief Minister’s Office), DMO (District Magistrate’s Office), and PSO (Police Station Officer). Our goal must be to advance the struggle for decentralization, bringing “Power to the People.”
A mindset has taken root that nothing can change without controlling the government. While it’s true that governments make decisions, we must ask: Did Jyotiba Phule, Savitribai Phule, Nanak, Raidas, Kabir, Gandhi, Lohia, JP, or Ambedkar ever hold power? They consistently challenged power and transformed society and the nation. Dr. G.G. Parikh repeatedly tells us to assume that socialists won’t come to power at the center for the next 10 years. In such a scenario, what can we do to bring systemic change? I believe this should be our approach. It’s not that we don’t want power or that we don’t aim to change governments—we do—but if that goal remains unfulfilled, what then?
These questions lead to solutions. Babasaheb Ambedkar said, “Educate, Organize, Agitate!” We must undertake this work at a national level. I have long advocated that to ideologically counter the Sangh Parivar, we must start “Constitution Shakhas.” These shakhas should ideally be established in every village and neighborhood but especially within 100 meters of RSS shakhas. At these shakhas, songs and plays about the Constitution and freedom struggle should be performed, and public education about the Constitution should take place. This can be done nationwide by establishing branches of the Rashtra Seva Dal. Citizens, organizations, and parties that believe in the Constitution should join this effort.
Lack of a Democratic Alternative: Change Through People’s Movements
Given the current situation, there is a lack of political alternatives. The INDIA alliance is attempting to provide an alternative in a lackluster manner. Yet, we see people using their votes to defeat the ruling party. However, mandates are being stolen through EVMs, government machinery, polarization, and corporate funding, as seen in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana, Maharashtra, and the 2024 general elections.
The question is: How can we ensure that agencies and the Election Commission function impartially? The disease has reached a cancerous stage, requiring major surgery. This surgery is possible only through people’s movements. Effective people’s movements can change the current situation. No matter how powerful a government, it bows before the strength of people’s movements. We’ve seen this multiple times during Modi’s rule. In 2014, when the government tried to amend the 2013 Land Acquisition Act, farmers, through the Land Rights Movement, thwarted it. When the Modi government introduced three anti-farmer laws, the Samyukt Kisan Morcha’s 380-day movement, with 750 farmers’ sacrifices, forced their repeal. Muslim women led a nationwide movement, known as Shaheen Bagh, against CAA-NRC, preventing its implementation. Similarly, tribals foiled attempts to displace them under the guise of rejected Forest Rights Act claims, and Dalits defeated efforts to tamper with reservations, with over 13 activists martyred. The government’s new hit-and-run law was scrapped after drivers’ strikes. Two months ago, the central government withdrew the Advocates (Amendment) Bill 2025 after nationwide protests by lawyers.
The crux is that even the most powerful government can be made to yield through people’s movements. When an issue resonates emotionally with the public, all tactics—money, caste, government machinery—fail. Thus, sustaining and increasing public trust in movements is crucial. The Samyukt Kisan Morcha presented a model of collective leadership, self-reliance, satyagraha, and independent social media. Socialists must adopt this model to save democracy and the Constitution. Continuous pressure through movements is essential, even on new governments formed post-movement.
Parties form governments, but they lack internal democracy. Leadership is often secured through money, caste, or power. Establishing internal democracy in parties and ensuring ideological workers and leaders get due space requires strong ideological organizations. While people’s movements are needed, it’s equally important that their leadership is ideologically committed, organizationally robust, and uncorrupted by power’s allure. Socialists face the challenge of preparing to establish an alternative socialist politics for a new human and society, with the immediate goal of changing governments but the long-term goal of systemic change, as our forebears worked for lifelong.
Constructive Work and Methods
Based on 40 years of public life experience, I offer the following suggestions:
1. Ensure Constitutional Awareness: Ensure every citizen knows their constitutional rights. First, compel governments to distribute Constitution copies to every household through schools, colleges, institutions, and government departments. Second, civil society can take this responsibility by launching a nationwide Constitution Awareness Campaign. While many are already doing this, the number of individuals, groups, organizations, and parties involved is limited. We must expand this to reach 1.46 billion people.
2. Rashtra Seva Dal Branches: Start Rashtra Seva Dal branches in neighborhoods with the national flag, offering yoga, exercise, revolutionary songs, and regular introductions to freedom fighters’ lives. Conclude with national songs. Contact local private schools to organize Rashtra Seva Dal camps, with trainers from its Pune office.
3. Socialist Study Circles: Start study circles to read books by Gandhi, Acharya Narendra Dev, Lohia, JP, Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay, Yusuf Meher Ali, and analyze contemporary events and issues through discussions.
4. Socialist Training Centers and Libraries: Establish training centers and libraries named after local freedom movement or socialist leaders, collecting progressive literature. Operate these regularly, even for a few hours, and maintain subscriptions to national and regional newspapers.
5. Raise Voices Against Injustice: Speak out against discrimination, injustice, exploitation, oppression, corruption, violence, lies, inequality, and attacks on constitutional rights, individually or organizationally, especially for women, destitute, disabled, tribals, Dalits, minorities, and backward classes. Use social media minimally. Meet victims, collect complaints, submit them to administration, police, or human rights bodies, and organize protests, rallies, or press conferences if possible. Ensure complaints reach local representatives with evidence and public signatures.
6. Never Withdraw Complaints: Withdrawing complaints undermines credibility. Maintain regular contact with victims and mobilize resources to meet their needs. Build friendly relations with marginalized groups—Dalits, backward classes, minorities, tribals, women—sharing in their joys and sorrows to ensure their support in programs.
7. Network with Progressive Groups: Proactively contact local socialist organizations or, if absent, connect with Gandhian, Sarvodaya, leftist, people’s, farmers’, tribal, women’s, Dalit, minority, labor, cultural, or progressive writers’ groups, as well as progressive lawyers, journalists, doctors, artists, officers, and religious organizations to amplify your message.
8. Blood Donation: Regularly donate blood and collaborate with organizations hosting blood donation camps.
9. Commemorate Key Dates: Celebrate socialist leaders’ birth and death anniversaries, the Congress Socialist Party’s founding on May 17, 1934, and Jan Kranti Diwas on August 9.
10. Legal Aid for the Poor: Work with local lawyers to provide legal aid to poor victims or utilize district-level legal aid centers.
11. Resource Mobilization: Raise funds for socialist activities from friends and relatives, print pamphlets, and organize cultural programs. Avoid over-reliance on single donors to maintain credibility. Start with five comrades, pooling 10% of income (or at least ₹500 monthly). Hold public meetings, share updates via social media, sing songs, read books, cook, play, and attend other organizations’ events to build group cohesion.
12. Establish an Office and Library: Once strong, rent an office or use a comrade’s space. Create a group library where members buy one book monthly, read it collectively, and discuss it.
13. Group Guidelines: Draft a group operational manual with consensus, specifying meeting times, preparation, and purpose. Continuously define group goals and share brief group details with members’ families, encouraging inter-family interactions.
14. Starting Work in New Areas: Visit the area, meet people, identify the five most pressing issues (e.g., unemployment, water, irrigation, electricity, healthcare, education). Issue a pamphlet questioning who is responsible and who will resolve these. Call a public meeting at a designated place, discuss forming an organization, agree on a name (e.g., Panchayat, Sabha, Samiti), form a coordinating committee, set an address, and schedule the next meeting. Print the next pamphlet with key members’ names, numbers, and the organization’s address. Submit memoranda to authorities with warnings of protests. Sustain work with regular time, local resources, and self-made posters, songs, and wall writings. Credibility stems from conduct.
15. Clarity from Day One: Ensure:
- Work is for public interest, not personal gain.
- Resources are collectively raised from society, not one individual.
- Decisions are made collectively, not by a few office-bearers.
- All members follow a mutually agreed code of conduct: no substance abuse, wear khadi, practice interfaith prayers, avoid violence, reject discrimination based on caste, religion, language, gender, color, or region, donate blood annually, and plant at least 10 trees yearly.
---
Former MLA (SP), Former National Secretary (SP), General Secretary (Socialist Samagam), National President (Kisan Sangharsh Samiti)
Affiliated: National Coordination of People’s Movements, National Farmers’ Forum, Samyukt Kisan Morcha
Comments