Born into the Dalit Ravidas community, locally known as Robidas or Rabidas (Charmakar), Shipon Kumar Rabidas has worked tirelessly since 2008 to protect the rights of Dalits and indigenous plains people in Bangladesh. Speaking with conviction, he addresses the discrimination faced by his community. Shipon overcame significant challenges growing up in rural Bangladesh, where caste prejudices persist.
Despite social exclusion, he earned a master’s degree in English literature from Dhaka University. As General Secretary of the Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement (BDERM), he has presented reports on the conditions of Dalits and minorities at various international platforms. I spoke with him at his Dhaka office in January, followed by several email exchanges.
Excerpts from the interview:
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What is the exact number of Dalits in Bangladesh, and which communities are included?
The exact number of Dalits in Bangladesh is not officially recorded, as the national census does not disaggregate data by caste. Estimates suggest the Dalit population ranges between 3.5 million and 6.5 million, roughly 2% to 4% of the country’s total population. In 2010, the government published a gazette listing 27 Adivasi (ethnic minority) communities, which was revised in 2019 to include 50 tribes. However, no specific list of Dalit communities has been officially recognized. Communities considered Dalit or marginalized include Jele (Fisherman), Sonnyasi (Monk), Rishi, Behara, Narasundar (Barber), Dhopa (Washerman), Napit (Barber), Sweeper (Cleaner), Malakar, Almik, Kapalika, Bauri, Bunaj, Bhagbaniya (Karthavja), Manta, Rajvanshi, Lingam, Hari, Chapraita, Beldar, Nikari, Patni, Kayputra (Kaora), Patikar, Domar, Dom, Raut, Ahmia, Kanpuri, Kaivarta, Nayek, Bawali, Banshfour, Bhunjar, Mauyal, Ranakarmkar, Shabdkar, Hela, Maghaiya, Kadar, Kairi, Kushiari, Kahar, Chaudali, Chunaru (Chunkar), Pal (Kumar), Kamar (Blacksmith), Nunia, Paundrakshatriya (Pod), Bean, Bindu, Masuara, Yugi (Nath), Rabidas, Singh, Valmiki, Agaria, Jalo, Garh, Chauhan, Tanti, Haldar, Goala, Telugu, Devavarma, Jaldas, Namashudra, Parvasi, Rajbhar, Buno, Bhuiyan, Mugh, Rajakdas (Dhopa), Raya, Hazra, Lalbeghi, Bahelia, Karenga, Rava, Badwar, Mal, Mahar, Mech, Baiti, Shuri, Doshad, Tanti (Weaver), Mali, Kotal, Tior, Debnath, Zola, Sardar, Musician, Kalu, Nakasi, Mallik, Mridha, Dhunkar, Chakar, Mashalchi, Charmakar (Tanner), Khourakar (Barber), Bhaumik, Bhagat, Matial, and Adhikari.
Dalits in Bangladesh are broadly categorized into two groups: Bengali Dalits, who speak Bengali and traditionally engage in occupations like sweeping, cleaning, and leatherwork, and non-Bengali Dalits, who often speak Hindi, Utkal, Deshwali, or Telugu and are descendants of laborers brought from India during British colonial rule for roles such as cleaners and tea garden workers. Prominent Dalit communities include Rishi (leatherwork), Dome (cremation and sanitation), Horijon (cleaning and sanitation), Bede (nomadic snake charmers and healers), and Methor (sanitation workers). These communities primarily reside in urban slums, railway colonies, and rural settlements, facing systemic discrimination, limited access to education and healthcare, and underrepresentation in political and administrative spheres. NGOs and civil society organizations continue to advocate for their rights and inclusion in national development agendas.
Who are Harijans in Bangladesh?
In Bangladesh, Harijans are a subset of the Dalit community. The term “Harijan,” meaning “children of God,” was popularized by Mahatma Gandhi in India to refer to historically oppressed castes engaged in stigmatized occupations like manual scavenging, sweeping, and cleaning. Though considered outdated or offensive by many Dalit activists who prefer “Dalit,” the term remains common in Bangladesh. Eight specific communities—Hari, Hela, Dom, Domar, Lalbegi, Valmiki, Raut, and Banshfor—are recognized as Harijan.
You mentioned that the Dalit movement in Bangladesh was revived by migrant Dalits or non-Bengali Dalits. Can you elaborate?
The Dalit movement in Bangladesh gained significant momentum from non-Bengali Dalit communities, often called Harijans or migrant Dalits, due to their historical and social circumstances. During British colonial rule, many Dalits from regions like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, and Andhra Pradesh were brought to present-day Bangladesh for sanitation, tea estate, and menial labor roles. These communities retained a strong caste identity, linguistic distinctiveness (speaking Hindi, Telugu, etc.), and collective history, unlike some Bengali Dalits who assimilated into broader Bengali-speaking Hindu or Muslim populations. Living in segregated sweeper colonies or railway quarters, non-Bengali Dalits formed cohesive networks, facilitating mobilization. Their continued engagement in stigmatized sanitation work made activism a necessity, driven by daily caste-based discrimination. Additionally, their linguistic and familial ties to India exposed them to the Ambedkarite movement, inspiring them to adapt Dalit rights frameworks to Bangladesh.
What is the relationship between migrant Dalits and Bengali Dalits like Namashudras?
The relationship between migrant Dalits (non-Bengali Harijans) and Bengali Dalits (like Namashudras) is complex, marked by shared marginalization but divergent histories, languages, occupations, and social integration. Migrant Dalits, brought by the British for urban sanitation work, speak non-Bengali languages and live in segregated colonies, facing acute untouchability. Bengali Dalits, indigenous to the Bengal region, speak Bengali, often work in agriculture or artisanal roles, and are more integrated into local Hindu or Muslim structures. Namashudras, a numerically strong and politically conscious group, led significant reform movements in colonial Bengal. Linguistic and cultural gaps create social distance, with migrant Dalits seen as “outsiders” and Bengali Dalits as “local.” Occupational differences also play a role, as migrant Dalits remain in stigmatized sanitation roles, while some Bengali Dalits achieve upward mobility. Efforts by organizations like BDERM aim to unify these groups under a shared Dalit identity, but class differences, internal caste hierarchies, and varying priorities—housing and anti-untouchability for Harijans, land rights and education for Bengali Dalits—hinder solidarity. Younger activists are working to bridge this divide, emphasizing shared oppression.
Please share where your parents originally hailed from and what they did.
My forefathers came from Munger District, India. My late father was a street cobbler and village police officer (Dofadar). My mother was a housewife and briefly worked as a cleaner at a health sub-center. I have five brothers and four sisters, am married, and have two daughters.
Where did you get your education, and what difficulties did you face growing up?
As a Dalit, I faced untouchability throughout my education at Demajani Government Primary School, Kamar Uddin Islamia College (high school), and Government Azizul Haque College in Bogura. Classmates often mocked me, calling me “Muchir Bachcha” (son of a cobbler), which made me feel ashamed of my Chamar community.
How is the relationship between Harijans and Ravidasis?
The relationship between Harijans and Ravidasis in Bangladesh is shaped by shared Dalit identity and distinct spiritual and occupational differences. Ravidasis, often from the Chamar caste associated with leatherwork, follow the teachings of Guru Ravidas, a 15th-century Bhakti saint advocating equality and devotion to a formless God. They gather in Ravidas temples, sing shabads, and sometimes view their Ravidas Panth as distinct from mainstream Hinduism. Harijans, a broader term for oppressed castes, often practice mainstream Hinduism, Christianity, or syncretic traditions and are more associated with urban sanitation work, carrying greater stigma. In Bangladesh, both groups live in similar slums, share jobs like sanitation, and face common discrimination, fostering unity in activism for housing, job rights, and anti-untouchability. However, Ravidasis’ emphasis on their spiritual identity can create a sense of distinction, and internal caste hierarchies sometimes lead to tensions, with some Ravidasis distancing themselves from more stigmatized Harijan roles. The Dalit rights movement increasingly incorporates figures like Ravidas alongside secular Ambedkarite ideals to bridge these differences.
Do you face untouchability, and if so, who practices it?
Untouchability persists in Bangladesh, practiced by upper-caste Hindus (Brahmins, Kayasthas, Vaishyas), middle-caste groups (Sadgops, Yadavs, Sutradhars), and sometimes Muslim communities. Upper castes maintain purity norms in religious spaces, kitchens, and marriages. Middle castes may restrict Dalits from accessing wells or homes. Some Muslims ostracize Dalit Hindus, particularly sanitation workers, refusing to eat food they prepare, avoiding physical contact, or denying access to communal resources. Even within Dalit communities, internal casteism exists, with groups like Chamars occasionally looking down on Doms or Bhangis. Rural Bengali Dalits may also distance themselves from non-Bengali Harijans in sanitation roles.
Is untouchability only a Hindu issue, or do Muslims also practice it?
Untouchability is not solely a Hindu issue in Bangladesh. While Islam rejects caste in its theology, social practices among some Muslims reflect caste-like hierarchies, often mirroring Hindu varna and jati systems in an Ashraf-Ajlaf-Arzal stratification. Dalits, especially non-Bengali Hindu sanitation workers, report discrimination from Muslims, including refusal to eat food they serve, barring them from households, avoiding physical contact, and using casteist slurs like “Methor” or “Bhangi.” These behaviors stem from cultural casteism rather than Islamic teachings and affect Dalits across religious boundaries.
What is the percentage of Dalits in government services, and do they get job reservations?
As of July 2024, Bangladesh’s Supreme Court restructured the government job quota system, allocating 93% of positions on merit and reserving 7% for specific groups: 5% for children of freedom fighters, 1% for ethnic minorities, and 1% for persons with disabilities and third-gender individuals. There is no specific reservation for Dalits, though they may qualify under the ethnic minority quota. Consequently, Dalit representation in government services is minimal, and they primarily compete through merit-based recruitment. This system followed protests against a previous 56% quota, aiming for greater meritocracy while supporting marginalized groups.
How do you view the August 2024 student movement concerning Dalits? Do they feel more secure, or are their conditions worsening?
The August 2024 student movement in Bangladesh, initially a protest against the government job quota system, evolved into a broader demand for equality and democratic reforms. While it highlighted systemic inequalities resonating with Dalit struggles, it did not specifically address Dalit rights or advocate for their inclusion in the reformed quota system. Dalits, who face social exclusion and limited opportunities, saw no direct benefits. The interim government under Muhammad Yunus has promised constitutional reforms emphasizing equality and social justice, but implementation remains uncertain. Dalit communities continue to experience ghettoization, restricted education, and isolation, with Dalit women reporting confined social realities. Without targeted policies, Dalit conditions remain largely unchanged, though the movement’s ideals offer hope for future inclusivity.
Do Dalits face forced conversion in Bangladesh?
Yes, credible reports document forced religious conversions targeting Hindu minorities, including Dalit communities like Namashudras. In 2017, the Bangladesh Jatiya Hindu Mohajote reported 23 Hindus forcibly converted, 172 compelled to leave the country, and 107 killed. Impoverished Hindus have been coerced into joining groups like Jamaat-e-Islami under threats, with some receiving Islamic literature to facilitate conversion. In the Chittagong Hill Tracts, indigenous children from Hindu, Buddhist, and Christian backgrounds have been lured into madrassas with educational promises, only to be converted without parental consent. Economically disadvantaged Dalits are particularly vulnerable, though specific data on their targeting is limited. The government has made some arrests but faces criticism for inadequate protection of minorities.
How much do Bangladeshi Dalits know about Dr. Ambedkar?
Awareness of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar among Bangladeshi Dalits is growing but remains limited, especially in rural areas. Poverty, limited education, and social marginalization restrict knowledge of Ambedkar’s contributions among rural Dalits. In urban areas, educated Dalits and activists increasingly recognize his legacy, inspired by his autobiography and advocacy for equality. Organizations like DALIT NGO and the Bangladesh Harijan Oikko Parishad (BHOP), formed in the 1990s, draw on Ambedkarite principles to empower Dalits. The Indian Dalit movement serves as a model, but broader awareness requires increased education and outreach, particularly in rural communities.
Please share the work of your organization and its achievements.
The Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement (BDERM), established in 2008, combats caste-based discrimination and advocates for Dalit and marginalized community rights through grassroots mobilization, policy advocacy, and awareness campaigns. BDERM has expanded to 50 district committees and seven divisional coordinators, organizing national conferences, workshops, and rallies. It contributed to a shadow report for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) on Dalit human rights and pushes for an anti-discrimination law. BDERM formed the Dalit and Excluded Women’s Federation to address intersectional discrimination. During COVID-19, it distributed hygiene kits to 5,000 families, 20,000 informational leaflets, and food aid to 450 unemployed tea workers and Sobdokar community members. Internationally, BDERM has represented Bangladeshi Dalits at UN forums, including CEDAW sessions. Its vision is an egalitarian society free from caste discrimination, achieved by raising awareness and engaging policymakers.
What is the status of manual scavenging in Bangladesh, and are there efforts to eradicate it?
Manual scavenging, the manual handling of human waste, exists in Bangladesh, primarily among informal sanitation workers from marginalized communities. In cities like Dhaka, workers clean septic tanks and drains without protective gear, often in hazardous conditions. While not formally labeled as manual scavenging as in India, these tasks are degrading and prevalent in the informal sector. The government has committed to SDG 6 for improved sanitation and announced plans in 2021 to modernize urban systems with mechanized waste management, but progress is slow. NGOs like WaterAid, SNV, and Practical Action promote mechanized fecal sludge management, provide training and protective equipment, and pilot mechanization programs, though scaling remains limited. Challenges include low investment, lack of awareness, and cultural attitudes toward sanitation work. More robust policy enforcement and infrastructure are needed to protect workers.
What is the status of Dalit women in Bangladesh? Are they in the Dalit movement and its leadership?
Dalit women in Bangladesh face intersecting caste, class, and gender oppression, often working in stigmatized jobs like sweeping or domestic labor and living in slums with poor access to education and healthcare. High dropout rates, early marriage, and discrimination in schools limit opportunities, while they face elevated risks of sexual violence and harassment, often unreported. Despite these challenges, Dalit women actively participate in the Dalit rights movement through community mobilization and protests for land rights, jobs, and dignity. Some have emerged as leaders in Dalit-focused NGOs, though patriarchal barriers, limited education, and economic dependence restrict their leadership roles. NGOs provide capacity-building, legal literacy, and vocational training, while international support from UNDP and minority rights groups bolsters empowerment efforts. Greater visibility, resources, and political support are needed to enhance their representation and impact.
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*Human rights defender
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