Skip to main content

J&K freedom score down by huge 21 points in a year, 'equals' Pak-occupied Kashmir

   
In strong message to India’s powers-that-be, a new report by Freedom House, a high profile US organization, has rated the status of democracy in Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) as equal to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). Giving both J&K and PoK the same score, 28 on a scale of 100, and categorizing both as “Not Free”, the report rates 210 countries, including individual territories, in order to rate two sub-categories, political rights and civil liberties.
Virtually setting aside India’s stance on J&K, the report by the 79-year-old organization based in Washington DC finds that while the PoK’s category as “Not Free” has not changed in the last year, remaining static at 28/100, as for J&K, its category has changed from “Partly Free” to “Not Free”, and rating dropped by a whopping 21 points, from 49/100 to 28/100.
As for the two sub-categories, J&K is found to be doing one point worse in political rights than PoK (8/40 vs 9/40), while in civil liberties, J&K is rated 20/60, one notch better than PoK (19/60).
Notably, both J&K and PoK perform worse than not just India, which scores 71/100, four down from the previous report, and categorized as “Free”, but also "Partly Free" neighbours -- Pakistan 38/100, Bangladesh 39/100, Sri Lanka 56/100 and Nepal 56/100, as also “Not Free” Myanmar (20/100), though better than the other “non-free” neighbour, China 11/30.
The report, “Freedom in the World 2020”, states, “Indian Kashmir’s status declined from Partly Free to Not Free due to the Indian government’s abrupt revocation of the region’s autonomy, the postponement or elimination of legislative elections, and a security crackdown that sharply curtailed civil liberties and included mass arrests of local politicians and activists.”
It continues, civil liberties in J&K were “also curtailed to quell public opposition to the reorganization”, adding, “Indian security forces are frequently accused of human rights violations, but few are punished”, and despite claimed actions against them, “separatist and jihadist militants continue to wage a protracted insurgency.”
Journalists protest Internet shutdown in J&K
Pointing out that“at least 276 civilians, security personnel and militants were killed in 2019”, the report says, while “separatist militants and a heavy Indian security presence have long impaired the ability of people to participate freely in political processes”, things got worse post-August 2019, when tens of thousands of additional troops were deployed to quash opposition to reorganisation of J&K.
It adds, “The postponement of state elections through mid-2019, the reorganization of the region in August, and the related mass detentions effectively reduced the ability of opposition groups to compete and enter government in J&K for the foreseeable future.” 
The result of the reorganisation of J&K is, says the report,“Many laws that had been passed by the state government were subject to repeal or amendment under the new system, and more laws passed by the Indian Parliament now apply to J&K.” It predicts, “In the future, the union territory will not be permitted to formulate its own laws regarding policing and public order.”
Stating that the new administration “generally operates with opacity”, and the changes in the administrative status of the region have been “coupled with severe restrictions on press freedom”, accompanied by “a severe clampdown on the activities of local and foreign journalists”, the report says, “The authorities imposed lengthy shutdowns of internet and telephone service.”
It further says “Freedom of assembly is frequently restricted during times of unrest. The authorities often reject requests for permits for public gatherings submitted by the separatist All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC). Separatist leaders are frequently arrested prior to planned demonstrations, and violent clashes between protesters and security forces are not uncommon.”
As for “local and national civil rights groups”, the report says, they are “generally permitted to operate”, but are “sometimes harassed by security forces.” Thus, “The separatist APHC is technically allowed to function, but its leaders are frequently subjected to short-term detention.” As for workers, they “have the right to form unions and engage in collective bargaining under Indian law”, but ”union rights are inconsistently upheld in practice.”
Then, the report says, “Courts are politicized and act as an extension of Indian executive and military authority. The government and security forces frequently disregard court orders”, adding, “Broadly written legislation, such as the unpopular Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) and the Disturbed Areas Act, allow security forces to search homes and arrest suspects without a warrant, shoot suspects on sight, and destroy buildings believed to house militants or arms.”
The report underlines, “Indian security personnel have continued to engage in torture, forced disappearances, and custodial killings of suspected militants and their alleged civilian sympathizers, and they generally enjoy impunity for such abuses”, condemning “excessive and extrajudicial violence committed by Indian security forces.”
Then, it says, “Freedom of movement has been curtailed by both local and central authorities”, with strict curfews “imposed throughout Kashmir in 2019 surrounding the removal of the state’s autonomous status in August.” It adds, “Even when curfews are not in force, internal movement is disrupted by roadblocks, checkpoints, and periodic protest-related impediments.”

Comments

TRENDING

Disappearing schools: India's education landscape undergoing massive changes

   The other day, I received a message from education rights activist Mitra Ranjan, who claims that a whopping one lakh schools across India have been closed down or merged. This seemed unbelievable at first sight. The message from the activist, who is from the advocacy group Right to Education (RTE) Forum, states that this is happening as part of the implementation of the National Education Policy (NEP), 2020, which floated the idea of school integration/consolidation.

Caste, class, and Patidar agitation: Veteran academic 'unearths' Gujarat’s social history

Recently, I was talking with a veteran Gujarat-based academic who is the author of several books, including "Social Movements in India: A Review of Literature", "Untouchability in Rural India", "Public Health and Urban Development: The Study of Surat Plague", and "Dalit Identity and Politics", apart from many erudite articles and papers in research and popular journals.

A Hindu alternative to Valentine's Day? 'Shiv-Parvati was first love marriage in Universe'

The other day, I was searching on Google a quote on Maha Shivratri which I wanted to send to someone, a confirmed Shiv Bhakt, quite close to me -- with an underlying message to act positively instead of being negative. On top of the search, I chanced upon an article in, imagine!, a Nashik Corporation site which offered me something very unusual.  I don't know who owns this site, for there is nothing on it in the About Us link. It merely says, the Nashik Corporation  site   "is an educational and news website of the municipal corporation. Today, education and payment of tax are completely online." It goes on to add, "So we provide some of the latest information about Property Tax, Water Tax, Marriage Certificate, Caste Certificate, etc. So all taxpayer can get all information of their municipal in a single place.some facts about legal and financial issues that different city corporations face, but I was least interested in them."  Surely, this didn't interest...

Varnashram Dharma: How Gandhi's views evolved, moved closer to Ambedkar's

  My interaction with critics and supporters of Mahatma Gandhi, ranging from those who consider themselves diehard Gandhians to Left-wing and Dalit intellectuals, has revealed that in the long arc of his public life, few issues expose his philosophical tensions more than his shifting stance on Varnashram Dharma—the ancient Hindu concept that society should be divided into four varnas, or classes, based on duties and aptitudes.

A story Gujarat forgot: Dalits and the Dakor temple movement

The other day, I was talking with Martin Macwan, a well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader. He revealed to me an interesting chapter of the Gandhian movement in Gujarat — how Ravishankar Maharaj (1884–1984), a prominent Gandhian social reformer of the state, played a pivotal role in the struggle for temple entry for Dalits (then referred to as Harijans) in the late 1940s.

Did Bank of India send a fake SMS, or is its website under attack?

On the evening of February 14, after banking hours, I received a strange SMS from Bank of India (BOI)—where I maintain a very small, largely inactive account. I had opened it years ago simply because a branch was located near my home. However, finding their services quite poor, I rarely use it anymore.

Top Hindu builder ties up with Muslim investor for a huge minority housing society in Ahmedabad

There is a flutter in Ahmedabad's Vejalpur area, derogatorily referred to as the "border" because, on its eastern side, there is a sprawling minority area called Juhapura, where around five lakh Muslims live. The segregation is so stark that virtually no Muslim lives in Vejalpur, populated by around four lakh Hindus, and no Hindu lives in Juhapura.

Beyond sattvik: Purity, caste and the politics of the Indian kitchen

  A few week ago, I was forwarded an article that  appeared  in the British weekly  The Economist . Titled “Caste and cuisine: From honeycomb curry to blood fry: India’s ‘untouchable’ cooking”, it took me back to what I had blogged about what was called a “ sattvik  food festival”, an annual event organised by former Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad professor Anil Gupta.

Punishing senior citizens? Flipkart, Shopsy stop Cash on Delivery in Ahmedabad!

The other day, someone close to me attempted to order some goodies on Flipkart and its subsidiary Shopsy. After preparing a long list of items, this person, as usual, opted for the Cash on Delivery (popularly known as COD) option, as this senior citizen isn't very familiar with online prepaid payment methods like UPI, credit or debit cards, or online bank transfers through websites. In fact, she is hesitant to make online payments, fearing, "I may make a mistake," she explained, adding, "I read a lot about online frauds, so I always choose COD as it's safe. I have no knowledge of how to prepay online."