सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Gujarat urban upsurge leads to absolute rise in poverty despite high growth rate

By Rajiv Shah 
Not that economists have not noticed urban poverty in Gujarat; but they have focused on urban Gujarat in passing. For instance, there is a calculation that the percentage of urban poverty in Gujarat during the second half of the decade ending 2010 has gone down by 2.2 per cent, from 20.1 per cent to 17.9 per cent. Which means, the annual poverty reduction in the state has been just about 0.44 per cent. Notably, this is lower than a dozen out of 20 major states, including Madhya Pradesh, which saw a whopping 12.2 per cent reduction in urban poverty, followed by Orissa (11.7), Rajasthan (9.8), Maharashtra (7.3), Tamil Nadu (6.9), Karnataka (6.3), Kerala (6.3), Andhra Pradesh (5.7), Chhattisgarh (4.6), Bihar (4.3), Uttar Pradesh (2.4) and West Bengal (2.4). The all-India average percentage in poverty reduction is 4.6. Obviously, huge investments and a high growth rate have not helped Gujarat’s downtrodden sections, in any way.
In fact, one economist has calculated, in absolute terms, the number or urban poor in Gujarat has gone up 4.3 million in 2004-05 and 4.5 million in 2009-10. This should be worrisome for Gujarat, which is already the fastest urbanizing state of India. According to the latest Census of India data, Gujarat experienced a whopping 35.83 per cent rate of growth in urban population between 2001 and 2011. Currently, 42.6 per cent of the state’s population lives in urban areas, next to Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra. Yet, there has been little or no analysis on the impact of the drastic change in the state’s urban demography on overall social, economic and cultural scenario. Not that the Gujarat government is not aware of it. A government document, presented at the Chintan Shibir, a bureaucratic conclave, in early 2011, “records” the following as a fact: “While nutrition indicators appear worse in rural areas (48 per cent) compared to urban areas (39 per cent), the urban poor are at an equivalent disadvantage compared to rural populace and much worse than their affluent urban neighbours… Among urban poor, under-five under-nutrition is 56 per cent against 36 per cent among urban non-poor.”
Even then, National Sample Survey (NSS) data, released in September-October 2012, provide some indication of the status of different social groups in urban areas in Gujarat – scheduled tribes (STs), scheduled castes (SCs), other backward classes (OBCs) and others (mainly upper castes) – as to where things stand for each of them. NSS data (which are the most authoritative figures in the absence of Census of India figures) suggest that 75.7 per cent of urban ST households, 79.6 per cent SC households, 51.5 OBC households and 51.7 “other” households depend either on wages/ salaries or casual labour for their survival. As many as 19.7 per cent ST households, 18.2 per cent SC households, 44 per cent OBC households and 41.3 per cent “other” households are found to be“self-employed”. From available indications, this is not very different than most other states. However, when it comes to purchasing power in the urban areas, calculated as monthly per capita expenditure (MPCE), one gets a totally different story.
The picture that one gets is quite interesting picture, suggesting, that it is the SC households whose MPCE in urban Gujarat is worse than any other category. The SC households’ MPCE is Rs 1,292 as against the ST households’ Rs 1,624, OBCs households’ Rs 1,457, and “other’” households’ Rs 2,343. The average MPCE in urban Gujarat for all social groups is found to be Rs 1,909, which is lower than the national average of Rs 1,984. Gujarat’s average MPCE is worse than most major states, including Andhra Pradesh (Rs 2,238), Haryana (Rs 2,321), Himachal Pradesh (Rs 2,654), Karnataka (Rs 2,053), Kerala (Rs 2,413), Punjab (Rs 2,109), Tamil Nadu (Rs 1,948), Maharashtra (Rs 2,437), and West Bengal (Rs 1,965). But when it comes to SC households, the situation vis-vis other states is even worse. SCs’ MPCE (at Rs 1,292) is worse than Andhra Pradesh (Rs 1,757), Chhattisgarh (1,376), Haryana (Rs 1,429), Himachal Pradesh (Rs 1,553), Jammu & Kashmir (Rs 1,781), Karnataka (Rs 1,637), Kerala (Rs 1,709), Maharashtra (Rs 1,709), Punajb (Rs 1,462), Rajasthan (Rs 1,229) , Uttarakhand (Rs 1,371), and West Bengal (Rs 1,296). The national average for SC households is Rs 1,444. What is equally interesting is that, for the other three category of social groups, too, Gujarat’s MPCE is worse than the national average. Urban Gujarat’s ST households’ MPCE is Rs 1,624, as against the national average of Rs 1,797; it is Rs 1,457 for OBC households, as against the national average of Rs 1,679. And for “others”, as against Gujarat’s Rs 2343, the national average is Rs 2467.
The MPCE of SC wage/salary earning households is found to be Rs 1,437, but of casual workers (who account for 27 per cent of the total SC households) it is extremely low, Rs 1,036. The MPCE of casual workers among ST households (forming 21 per cent of total ST households) is found to be Rs 1,132. The OBCs’ MPCE among the casual workers is worse than all, at Rs 1006. As for “others”, their MPCE is Rs 1,222. In fact, figures suggest that there is enough reason for Gujarat’s casual workers to have less purchasing power than most other states. Here, NSS figures provide a very clear picture. Out of a total of 20 major states, casual labour in Gujarat earns on an average Rs 106, which is worse than as many as 14 other state. It is Rs 106 per day for Gujarat’s urban casual labour, as against Andhra Pradesh’s Rs 138, Chhattisarh’s Rs 111, Haryana’s Rs 143, Himachal Pradesh’s Rs 152, J&K’s Rs 150, Karnataka’s Rs 109, Kerala’s Rs 218, Maharashtra’s Rs 110, Punjab’s Rs 139, Rajasthan’s Rs 142, Tamil Nadu’s Rs 138, Uttarakhand’s Rs 136 and Uttar Pradesh’s Rs 107. The all-India average is Rs 121.
These facts are important, particularly if seen in the context of the fact that well-known international agencies are already predicting that Gujarat will be the most urbanized state of India. An authoritative report prepared by McKinsey Global Institute (MGI) two years ago, for instance, predicted that by the year 2030, a whopping 66 per cent of Gujarat’s population will start living in urban areas as against 42 per cent reflected in the 2011 Census. While this will make Gujarat as the second most urbanized state, fast catching up with Tamil Nadu, the report suggests that this will happen because the rate of growth of urbanization in Gujarat in the next two decades will be higher than any other state.
Called “India’s Urban Awakening: Building Inclusive Cities, sustaining economic growth”, the MGI report says that the states that exhibit higher gross domestic product (GDP) rates also will experience higher urbanization rates in the next two decades. The top consultants say, there is enough reason to conjecture as to why the rate of urbanization will be so high, indeed higher than any other state. In the last two decades Gujarat’s GDP grew at the compound annual growth of 7.5-8 per cent, in 2010-2030, it predicts, it will increase to 8- 8.5 per cent, higher than any major state.
An analysis of how major cities of India will develop over the next two decades, the MGI report states, Ahmedabad, which will have a population of 8.4 million in 2030, will also be one of the richest Indian cities, having per capita GDP of 8,100 dollars, next only to Delhi (11,400 dollars), Bangalore (12,600 dollars) and – interestingly – Vadodara (8,500 dollars). Counted at 2008 prices, all other major cities, including Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai, Hyderabad and Pune will have lower per capita GDP. AT the same time, the report believes that Gujarat’s cities would need massive investments, more than most other cities, to upgrade their infrastructure to meet city needs. At 2008 prices, by 2030, Ahmedabad would need 246 dollars per capita investment, Surat 235 dollars and Vadodara 263 dollars. This is against 124 dollars per capita needed for the country. “More than half of the capital expenditure is necessary to erase infrastructure backlog and the rest to fund cities’ future needs”, the report underlines.

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

હું બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીથી ચૂંટણી લડ્યો. મારા કડવા અનુભવ: સુરતનાં બનાવોના પરિપ્રેક્ષ્યમાં

- વાલજીભાઈ પટેલ  બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીના સુરતના બનાવ પછી પાર્ટીના લાગણીશીલ નિરાશ યુવા મિત્રોને માર્ગદર્શન મળે તે માટે મેં અનુભવેલો કડવો પ્રસંગ લખવો મને જરૂરી લાગે છે. એટલે લખી રહ્યો છું. આમ તો મને લખવાની આદત નથી. હું તો લડનાર માણસ છું.

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

साहित्य साम्राज्यवाद के ख़िलाफ़ जंग का मैदान: शोषण के खिलाफ आत्मसम्मान से जीने की चाह

- सुधीर कुमार   साम्राज्यवाद आज अपने खुद के अंतर्विरोधों की वजह से भी और दुनिया के अनेक हिस्सों में हो रहे साम्राज्यवाद विरोधी संघर्षों की वजह से भी गहरे संकट में आ गया है। इन संकटों से उबरने के लिए साम्राज्यवाद युद्ध की शरण में जाता है। युद्ध से बड़े पैमाने पर मौतें, विस्थापन, भुखमरी आदि समस्याएं पैदा होती हैं। मौजूदा दौर में रूस और यूक्रेन तथा इज़राइल और फिलिस्तीन के बीच चल रहे युद्धों ने मानवता के सामने एक तरफ एक भीषण संकट खड़ा किया है लेकिन शोषण के खिलाफ और मनुष्य की आत्मसम्मान के साथ जीने की चाह रखने वाले लोगों को यह अवसर भी मुहैया कराया है कि ये साम्राज्यवाद और पूंजीवाद को जड़ से उखाड़ फेंक दें।    यह बातें प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ के राष्ट्रीय सचिव श्री विनीत तिवारी ने “साम्राज्यवाद और विस्थापन: साहित्य में उपस्थिति” विषय पर अपने सम्बोधन में कही। वे अखिल भारतीय प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ की भोपाल इकाई द्वारा आयोजित स्थापना दिवस के उपलक्ष्य में व्याख्यान कार्यक्रम में बोल रहे थे। यह कार्यक्रम 14 अप्रैल 2024 को भोपाल स्थित मायाराम सुरजन भवन में कार्यक्रम आयोजित किया गया।