सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Spirit of leadership vs bondage: Of empowered chairman of 100-acre social forestry coop

By Gagan Sethi* 

This is about Khoda Sava, a young Dalit belonging to the Vankar sub-caste, who worked as a bonded labourer in a village near Vadgam in Banskantha district of North Gujarat. The year was 1982. Khoda had taken a loan of Rs 7,000 from the village sarpanch, a powerful landlord doing money-lending as his side business. Khoda, who had taken the loan for marriage, was landless. Normally, villagers would mortgage their land if they took loan from the sarpanch. But Khoda had no land. He had no option but to enter into a bondage agreement with the sarpanch in order to repay the loan.
Working in bondage on the sarpanch’s field meant that he would be paid Rs 1,200 per annum, from which his loan amount with interest would be deducted. He was also obliged not to leave the sarpanch’s field and work as daily wager somewhere else. At the same time, Khoda was offered meal once a day, and his wife job as agricultural worker on a “priority basis”.
That year, I was working as secretary of a cooperative society in Vadgam area. The cooperative was formed to reoganise an NGO-supported social forestry project. During our field visit, we met Khoda, whom we found pretty mature, beyond his age. In spite of being a “saathi” – a term used for describing the condition of bondage in the village – we found Khoda pretty positive about his situation. He was an “acceptable” figure among Vankar families, who were otherwise notorious for fighting amongst themselves.
Khoda became the natural choice to as chairperson of the cooperative. We, as social workers, talked over with him and asked him whether he would accept to be the cooperative’s chairman, an honorary post. Khoda asked me a straight: Wouldn’t that be a problem? After all, he was working as a saathi, and the sarpanch would pressure him. Yet, we did not lose hope. We all coaxed him, saying we would support him in case the sarpanch objected.
Finally, Khoda agreed, albeit reluctantly, though he knew this was going to be a reason of conflict. In the very first year, the cooperative, which was receiving a subsidy under the food for work programme, managed to announce a wage equal to Rs 5.50 a day, the minimum payable to under the food for work programme.
In the second year, when the rice season came, there was shortage of labour in the village. The sarpanch, who wished to undertake paddy cultivation, badly needed more workers. He asked Khoda to get him workers from the Vankar community. The sarpanch was sure: Khoda, working under him in bondage, would certainly bring in Vankar men and women to work at a cheaper rate than that prevailed in the fields around.
But things did not work out the way the sarpanch wanted them to. Even Khoda’s wife refused to work on the sarpanch’s field. Instead she joined the cooperative’s social forestry nursery, where she was offered a higher wage. The sarpanch was furious and abused Khoda, saying, “I asked you to get more workers for me, and you have sent your wife to the cooperative! Where are your loyalties?”
I remember Khoda narrating the incident with a glee. His reply to the sarpanch was instant: “As chairman of the cooperative we have to follow certain rules and give minimum wages. My wife decided to join the cooperative as an equal member, and she is free to work wherever she wants. As your saathi till the period I do not repay your loan you had given me, I am bound to work for you. As for others, including my wife, this rule does not apply.”
Khoda did not stop here. He went on: “If you so wish, I can arrange for you a group of tribal workers from Panchmahals district to come and work for you. I will negotiate on your behalf. But you know they work on piece rate, and not on daily wage. They will prove to be more expensive… If you do not compromise and pay a higher wage equal to what is being paid elsewhere, you would miss the sowing season.”
The sarpanch became apprehensive. He wasn’t talking to a person whom he had taken on bondage to repay his loan. He was talking to an empowered chairman of a 100-acre social forestry cooperative.
Even today, bonded labour in various forms continues in Gujarat in the guise of yearly wage agreement with landlords, who give an advance loan for so-called non-productive purposes like health, marriage, or death ceremonies. In spite of the law that forbids the customary bonded labour (jajmani system), it still holds the roost.
Banks offer easy loans to buy vehicles, televisions and other consumer goods. But come a marriage, or a death, or any other ceremony, moneylender still is the most important person to offer loan – and the rate of interest is around 200 per cent!
A year later, Khoda was supported by a non-profit organization to pay back his loan. He proved to be a worthy cooperative leader, winning the first Indira Gandhi Vriksha Mitra Award. Indeed, leadership is about taking stand when it counts.

*Founder of Janvikas and Centre for Social Justice. Slightly abridged/edited version of this was published in DNA

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

હું બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીથી ચૂંટણી લડ્યો. મારા કડવા અનુભવ: સુરતનાં બનાવોના પરિપ્રેક્ષ્યમાં

- વાલજીભાઈ પટેલ  બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીના સુરતના બનાવ પછી પાર્ટીના લાગણીશીલ નિરાશ યુવા મિત્રોને માર્ગદર્શન મળે તે માટે મેં અનુભવેલો કડવો પ્રસંગ લખવો મને જરૂરી લાગે છે. એટલે લખી રહ્યો છું. આમ તો મને લખવાની આદત નથી. હું તો લડનાર માણસ છું.

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

साहित्य साम्राज्यवाद के ख़िलाफ़ जंग का मैदान: शोषण के खिलाफ आत्मसम्मान से जीने की चाह

- सुधीर कुमार   साम्राज्यवाद आज अपने खुद के अंतर्विरोधों की वजह से भी और दुनिया के अनेक हिस्सों में हो रहे साम्राज्यवाद विरोधी संघर्षों की वजह से भी गहरे संकट में आ गया है। इन संकटों से उबरने के लिए साम्राज्यवाद युद्ध की शरण में जाता है। युद्ध से बड़े पैमाने पर मौतें, विस्थापन, भुखमरी आदि समस्याएं पैदा होती हैं। मौजूदा दौर में रूस और यूक्रेन तथा इज़राइल और फिलिस्तीन के बीच चल रहे युद्धों ने मानवता के सामने एक तरफ एक भीषण संकट खड़ा किया है लेकिन शोषण के खिलाफ और मनुष्य की आत्मसम्मान के साथ जीने की चाह रखने वाले लोगों को यह अवसर भी मुहैया कराया है कि ये साम्राज्यवाद और पूंजीवाद को जड़ से उखाड़ फेंक दें।    यह बातें प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ के राष्ट्रीय सचिव श्री विनीत तिवारी ने “साम्राज्यवाद और विस्थापन: साहित्य में उपस्थिति” विषय पर अपने सम्बोधन में कही। वे अखिल भारतीय प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ की भोपाल इकाई द्वारा आयोजित स्थापना दिवस के उपलक्ष्य में व्याख्यान कार्यक्रम में बोल रहे थे। यह कार्यक्रम 14 अप्रैल 2024 को भोपाल स्थित मायाराम सुरजन भवन में कार्यक्रम आयोजित किया गया।