सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Key constraint in providing shelter to homeless: Proof of land ownership


By Moin Qazi*
One of the most challenging problems of our times is homelessness. While we continue to record improvements in dealing with poverty, homelessness has been plagued with an unimaginative response from policy pundits. The apathetic approach of successive governments is symptomatic of the disease that ails India’s housing system.
Housing is often the bedrock of other development interventions: owning land boosts health profiles, educational outcomes and gender equality. Decent housing is a rising tide that lifts all boats. The converse is equally true. India’s slums are horribly chaotic and sickening. Inmates live in cramped shacks made of rotting wood with rickety corrugated roofs. They are not only visual eyesores but also emblems of raw inequality.
Moreover, the slums are unhealthful and physically dangerous. Hygiene is worse. These slums do not just breed physical illnesses but are also home to social ills like gambling, stealing, domestic violence and worse, sexual assaults. The standard model of progress for these people, repeated millions and millions of times over the decades, is to get a better livelihood outside the ghetto and then decamp for a nicer part of town.
The challenges for India are daunting, and homelessness has become a powerful monster. An estimated 65 million people, or 13.6 million households, are housed in urban slums according to the 2011 Census. It also showed that an additional 1.8 million people in India are homeless. The key constraint in providing shelter is that people do not have proof of being owners of the land on which they live. Being “invisible” in land records strips them off their access to basic rights and services.
India is urbanising fast. Around 38 percent of India will be urbanised by 2025. This would mean that some 540 million people will be living in urban areas by the said year. Experts estimate that 18 million households in India are in need of low-income housing. This, paired with a shrinking supply of land and high construction costs, is leading to a growing slum population. It is also estimated that by 2025, more than 42 percent of India’s population will be urban.
Currently, the level of public services offered in slums is severely deficient. Around 58% of slum areas have open or no drainage, 43% transport water from outside communities, 34% have no public toilets, and an average of two power outages occur each day. Providing stable and affordable housing would be the first major step towards establishing and sustaining a basic standard of living for every household. Several attempts to relocate slum dwellers to the city’s fringes have gone in vain because the location restricts the residents’ access to employment, schools and other amenities. Slum-dwellers prefer upgradation of existing facilities and secure tenancy. Evictions from slums and demolition of settlements have risen, as cities expand and are brought under programmes that aim to create centres similar to those in western countries.
The policy solutions can be loosely labelled; the government should improve the legal and regulatory environment and increase the supply of affordable, legal shelter with tenure security and access to basic services and amenities. The state should undertake physical upgradation of informal settlements, which can be accompanied by the provision of public services such as access to roads, electricity, water supply and sanitation. These services create a high level of perceived tenure security without a formal change of the legal status and have encouraged local improvements and investment.
The social consultancy firm Facility Solutions Group (FSG) says that up to 37 million households—a quarter of India’s urban population—live in informal housing, including slums. It recommends giving them basic property rights. The report argues that this would encourage residents to invest in home improvement and encourage municipalities to provide infrastructure and better services. The research specifically focuses on owner-occupants, those who don’t pay rent and are not investing in improving their homes because of fear of eviction.
There are various categories of slums in India: unidentified, identified, recognised, notified and unauthorised housing. The report divides informal housing into three segments: insecure housing (unidentified slums) where people have no property rights and are most vulnerable to eviction; transitional housing (recognised slums and identified slums) which exist in government records and are gaining de facto rights; secure housing (notified slums and unauthorised housing) where people have some property rights and can’t be evicted summarily. In India, slums classified as “unobjectionable” are eligible to be upgraded. These are in non-residential zones, on low-lying lands, or where roads and other public infrastructure have been proposed.
Conventionally, property rights mean the right to use, develop and transfer property. The researchers suggest a different set of property rights for informal housing, one that gives the owner-occupant mortgageable status. The government could also permit the owner-occupant to have only the right to use the property and access basic services as in public housing. Alternatively, it could give property rights on lease. It could restrict use and exchange of such property to the low-income groups. In other cases, it could integrate outlying informal settlements through a process of mutual compromise. This can bring unplanned settlement into acceptable relation with the planning norms. Titles could be regularised in exchange for acceptance of agreed upon urban planning guidelines.
The policy pundits and legislators are finally waking up to the seriousness of the issue. The Odisha government recently took a revolutionary decision by providing urban poor residing in 3,000 slums land rights for residential use that are heritable, mortgageable and non-transferable. Endowing slum dwellers with mortgageable titles can open gates to many opportunities for improving health, education, employment and providing entitlements to social programmes.
The low-income households cannot afford resources for constructing a full unit. To manage this situation, the poor build their homes bit by bit over time as funding becomes available. Families might reinforce the walls or the roof to prevent seepage of water. They might replace a dirt floor with a tiled surface. Once the housing needs are suitably met, they focus on sanitation and water supply; they construct a toilet, bathing place and maybe even a well. These can be financed as one individual module at a time. This method of improving housing one step at a time is called “incremental” or “progressive building”.
A shorter-term loan would enable different parts of the house to be built over a suitable period of time. A modular loan with shorter payback period is a better fit for their income pattern than a long-term mortgage. Access to capital for housing investment, simplicity, flexibility and speed of disbursal are the important factors in a householder’s decision to borrow. Interest rates are important but secondary. Housing investments can also generate supplementary income for rentals, additional space for home-based businesses to name a few.
Low income clients also need technical advice. While they know what kind of house they would like to have, often times they cannot figure out the series of improvements that are logical, structurally sound and affordable. This lack of expertise typically leads poor families to focus on the cheapest, most available fix rather than on the improvements that are part of a long-term housing development plan. It also can increase the default risk for the financer.
The stresses on account of homelessness are rising and we face a mountain of challenges. Solutions will come from pairing passion with entrepreneurship and digging deep into the challenge at hand. Those tasked with devising and producing housing policies need to work within stringent timelines with transparency and accountability.

*Author of ‘Village Diary of a Heretic Banker’

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

હું બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીથી ચૂંટણી લડ્યો. મારા કડવા અનુભવ: સુરતનાં બનાવોના પરિપ્રેક્ષ્યમાં

- વાલજીભાઈ પટેલ  બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીના સુરતના બનાવ પછી પાર્ટીના લાગણીશીલ નિરાશ યુવા મિત્રોને માર્ગદર્શન મળે તે માટે મેં અનુભવેલો કડવો પ્રસંગ લખવો મને જરૂરી લાગે છે. એટલે લખી રહ્યો છું. આમ તો મને લખવાની આદત નથી. હું તો લડનાર માણસ છું.

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic.