सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Social boycott, forced migration of Gujarat's rural Dalits continues

By Rajiv Shah 
One of most naïve arguments on rural areas, including those of Gujarat, has been regarding their homogeneous characteristic — the existence of “harmonious” social relations in which “self-sufficient” village communities live in a peaceful atmosphere. Based on this type of thinking, the Gujarat chief minister began his now famous “samras” experiment, under which village panchayats elected uncontested should be rewarded. However, sociologists have long demonstrated that in areas of strong homogeneity, there is a general tendency to repress controversy. As a result, when disagreements arise, they can result into serious crises.
Well-known human rights organization Navsarjan Trust’s documentary evidence, collected from several villages of Gujarat, recorded in several of its reports (click HERE to see them) has long suggested how such homogeneity in a caste-ridden society is a sham. Despite efforts by Dalit NGOs to fight discrimination against Dalits, as evidenced during their representation to the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and a public hearing organized jointly by Navsarjan Trust and Gujarat Human Rights Commission, cases of social boycott, even forced migration, continue.
In 2009, a Navsarjan study, “A Legally Immune form of Discrimination: Report on Socioeconomic Boycotts of Dalits in Gujarat”, noted, “As Dalits become increasingly educated and aware, they have begun to demand the enforcement of their legal rights. These efforts have been met with staunch resistance by other castes, whose members have a stake in maintaining the existing status quo. By deterring attempts to access the law through complete ostracization from the social and economic life of the village, boycotts have become a major tool through which upper castes have stemmed the Dalit struggle for equality.” Updated information by the NGO has found that there is little sign of improvement in the situation, though the number of protests has evidently gone up.
About 26 families of Ghada village in Deesa taluka of Banaskantha district are failing to return to their village ever since they were forced to leave their homes for a “safer” haven, which they found 27 kilometres away from the village – in the open area front of Deesa mamlatdar’s office. Living in makeshift tents since 2009, their case has reached the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), and representations about their plight have been made to the Gujarat governor, apart from senior officials in Gandhinagar Sachivalaya. Begun with a small brawl, which led to a Dalit being overrun with a tractor, a riots-like situation in the village forced the villagers to leave Ghada.
According to Kantibhai Parmar, a senior activist, “The Gujarat government officials are refusing to recognize the 26 families as internally displaced, as it would mean a loss of face to them. Instead, they have promised to give these villagers land and housing in the village where they lived. The offer has been repeated by principal secretary, social justice and empowerment department, Sanjay Prasad, apart from local officials like district development officer and taluka development officer. The Dalits have refused on the ground that there is no guarantee for their safety. Meanwhile, they continue living in their makeshift tents, made of bamboo and polythene sheet. While they have been issued ration cards to buy food and police protection has been provided, children cannot go to school, and they live under unhygienic conditions.”
In a gruesome case, a Dalit youth, Lalji Kalabhai Sarvaiya of Akolali village of Una taluka in Junagarh district, was burnt alive on September 13, 2012 by a village mob of 150 persons. His house and along with that of a neighour, along with their belongings, were all set on fine by upper caste people, who suspected that Sarvaiya had a love affair with a girl belonging to a non-Dalit caste. After the ghastly incident, the family, which included Sarviaya’s parents and five brothers, were forced to shift to the Ambedkar colony in Una taluka, where they live today. While the case is pending in Junagarh sessions court, complaints have been made to the NHRC, and there has been a demand to for a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) investigation. Living unprotected, the family members and relatives of the deceased have no permanent source of livelihood after they fled from their home, leaving behind 14 bighas of land they owned.
In yet another case of Junagarh district, social boycott of Dalits has been continuing in Baman village, just 10 km from Junagarh town, since April 2013. It all began with a right to information (RTI) application by one of the Dalit youths about the “misuse” of the neighbouring open land being used by upper caste people as a dumping space for all the dirt of the village. The open space, which is actually common village land, is situated next to the Dalit houses. The health department asked the sarpanch of the village to remove the dirt from the place where it was being dumped.
This angered the upper castes, and a complete ban on keeping any contact with the Dalit families of the village was imposed. The Dalits are not being allowed to use the local flour mill to grind cereals; they can’t get their hair cut in the village; they can’t even get drinking water from the local village source. They must visit a neighouring village to fulfill their requirements. Thought a complaint has been lodged with the NHRC as also local government officials, the situation has not changed.
The Dalits of Rampar village of Muli taluka in Surendrangar district face a similar social boycott. Their only crime was, they tried performing puja in the local Meldi Mata temple, in whose construction they had also constructed. Now, the Dalits of the village cannot buy milk or vegetables or food items in the village shops, as they had “impured” the temple. A Rs 5,000 fine is in force on those who seek to “cooperate” with the Dalits in violation of the decision, arrived at by village elders belonging to non-Dalit castes. “While social boycott is on, the Gujarat government has been doggedly denying that any such thing exists in the village”, alleges activist Kantibhai Parmar.
A similar social boycott can be found to be existing in Jhaspar village in Padra taluka of Vadodara district, where the Dalits objected to a separate entrance and a separate sitting arrangement for them during a religious function, Navchandi Yagna. They also protested against paper dishes for food that was being served to them, while others were offered steel plates. “If you do not accept meal as is being offered, you are free to leave”, the Dalits were threatened. This made the Dalits to lodge a complaint with the local police, leading to beginning of social boycott against them. The Dalits are not only, not allowed to buy up anything from the village shops; they are not offered any work, too.

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

હું બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીથી ચૂંટણી લડ્યો. મારા કડવા અનુભવ: સુરતનાં બનાવોના પરિપ્રેક્ષ્યમાં

- વાલજીભાઈ પટેલ  બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીના સુરતના બનાવ પછી પાર્ટીના લાગણીશીલ નિરાશ યુવા મિત્રોને માર્ગદર્શન મળે તે માટે મેં અનુભવેલો કડવો પ્રસંગ લખવો મને જરૂરી લાગે છે. એટલે લખી રહ્યો છું. આમ તો મને લખવાની આદત નથી. હું તો લડનાર માણસ છું.

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic.