Skip to main content

Documentary suggests samras homogeneity in Gujarat villages is a sham

By Rajiv Shah 
The Gujarat government is planning a huge mela of village panchayat leaders from all over the country in Gandhinagar on August 17, 2013. Last year, it was a state-level function, where awards were distributed to those village panchayats which elected their bodies and sarpanches without contest, thus becoming “samras” panchayats. However, facts collected by Navsarjan Trust, Ahmedabad-based human rights organization, suggest that caste dynamics in villages are so strong that such “samras” show has little or no meaning. Latest information collected by the NGO suggest that the Gujarat ruling establishment’s all-out efforts to “encourage” homogeneity in the state’s rural areas by having as many “samras” village panchayats without elections as possible are already coming to a naught. Documentary evidence collected on the basis of field reports show that at a large number of places, the upper castes are not only refusing to give up their hegemony, but are doing all they can in their capacity to retain power, particularly targeting Dalit or tribal sarpanches, wherever they have been elected.
While the latest example – which has been highlighted a section of the media — is that of a Dalit woman sarpanch, Santokhben Babulal Solanki, from Chadasana village of Becharaji taluka in Mehsana district, who faced a no-confidence motion of from the upper caste-dominated panchayat only because she complained against caste-based harassment, this is not the only case. The no-confidence motion was passed against her on August 1 by a panchayat, whose majority members belong to the upper castes. Interestingly, this happened with a sarpanch who was honoured, on April 8, 2012, by the Gujarat chief minister at a local function. The chief minister called Chadasana an “example” of prevalence of homogeneity in rural Gujarat, where internal strife has become a thing of the last.
Chadasana village, significantly, is situated just seven kilomtres away from Bhechraji town, in whose outskirts the top car manufacturing company, Maruti-Suzuki, proposes to set up one of India’s most modern export-oriented plants. Indeed, the example of Chadasana is not an isolated case in Gujarat which suggests that the lure of development is not enough to bring about a positive change in the social sector. Yet another village, situated not very far away from Chadasana, Lakhvad, experienced a similar situation in April this year, when its Dalit woman sarpanch, Kamlaben Makwana, faced harassment at the hands of the upper caste panchayat members.
Located just three kilometers from the largest North Gujarat town of Mehsana, Lakhvad has a population of 4,000. Makwana, like most other Dalit and tribal sarpanches, was made SC sarpanch under the Constitutional provision of Article 243D, under which SC and ST seats in panchayats should be in proportion to the population of SC and ST population, and the post of village sarpanch should be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a panchayat. Though Makwana was elected unopposed under the samras scheme, the village homogeneity broke apart sooner rather than later, as the upper caste Patels retaliated and things went so far that she and her family members were arrested on the basis of a false complaint of breach of trust and criminal intimidation.
Significantly, this happened after Makwana filed multiple complaints of harassment against her predecessor, Prahlad Patel, and his then deputy, Ratilal Patel. Things went to the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), where the Navsarjan Trust executive-director Manjula Pradeep filed a complaint saying that Makwana was “regularly abused” and “threatened” that she would be eliminated. They told her, said the complaint, that they would see to it that she “did not complete her five year term as the village head”. The complaint added, a “false crime” was registered against her and her family members in Mehsana police station, leading the investigation officer to arrest four persons, including herself, her son and her husband. They were illegally kept in police custody for nine days. The NHRC has called for explanation from the Gujarat government.
In another instance, in Pij village in Kheda district, situated just seven kilomtres from the district’s biggest town, Nadiad, two Dalit sarpanches were removed one after another, as the upper caste members of the panchayat found that the Dalits were “not fit for the chair.” The first one was Somabhai Rohit, against whom, say the Navsarjan activists, a “false complaint” was lodged, and he was put in custody, following which he died of heart attack in 2010. The second one was Gordhanbhai Solanki, against whom, again, members of the village panchayat moved to file complaints. Deputy sarpanch Ghanshayam Patel, who owns a rice mill, particularly played a very active part against the Dalit sarpanch.
While squabbles on “illegally” selling of trees removed within the periphery of the village, and suspension of a panchayat official belonging to the Dalit community, were a common feature during panchayat meetings, things reached a flashpoint when the Dalit sarpanch insisted that the water pipeline should be connected to their area, too, as it was deprived of water. A fight ensued, an atrocities case was registered against certain upper caste persons, and finally a no-confidence motion was brought in on July 16, 2013, and the Dalit sarpanch was unseated.
In fact, facts are piling up to suggest that sarpanches are harassed so much that they are simply unable to carry out work normally sitting in the panchayat office. The Bhingrad village in Lathi taluka of Amreli district chose a Dalit sarpanch during the last elections, Vinubhai Solanki. Yet, he was never allowed to sit on the chair of the sarpanch in the village panchayat office. According to a complaint he has written to Lathi PSI, he was told during the very first meeting that because he is a “Harijan” he cannot be allowed to sit on the sarpanch’s seat; he should sit instead of a separate wooden chair, a little away from other members of the panchayat, most of who belong to the upper caste.
“There is wide prevalence of untouchability in the village”, a Navsarjan document prepared on the village says, adding, “The Dalits are not allowed to enter the local temple, more are they are now allowed to buy goods of daily use from local shops. One of the members of the panchayat has long propagated that, with a Dalit sarpanch, the upper caste persons would have to go to his house for getting work done, which was unacceptable. The budget he put up for discussion was never passed. Things reached a flashpoint when the sarpanch objected to one of the influential persons encroached upon government land. The sarpanch was beaten up so badly that he had to be admitted to the district civil hospital in Amreli.”
In Raska village of Mehmedavad taluka of Kheda district, the sarpanch, Vinubhai Makwana, a Dalit, was mentally harassed by the local upper caste community. This happened after he protested against the move by an influential panchayat member to mine up huge areas, beyond what was sanctioned, and illegal felling of trees. A “fake inquiry” was instituted against him, and he was illegally detained for 24 hours “only in order to put mental pressure on him”, says a Navsarjan note. In yet another instance, the sarpanch of Anandi village of Sinor taluka of Vadodara district, Ansuyaben Vasava, a tribal, was not allowed to sit on the seat of the sarpanch of the village by the local strongmen from the upper castes. On intervention from higher up officials, the village panchayat office was opened in July this year, but now nobody attends any meeting she calls for!

Comments

TRENDING

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

0 - प्रमोद रंजन  भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

રામનવમીના દિવસે મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને વિસ્તારોને અસામાજિક તત્વોથી રક્ષણ આપવી

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  પોલિસ મહાનિદેશક, ગુજરાત, ને આવનારા રામનવમીના તહેવારમાં નીકળતા જુલૂસમાં આવતા અસામાજિક તત્વોથી મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને મુસ્લિમ વિસ્તારોના રક્ષણ બાબત પત્ર:  આપ જાણો છો કે આવનારી 17મી એપ્રિલ ના રોજ રામનવમીનો તહેવાર છે. પાછલા વર્ષોના અનુભવ દ્વારા આપણે જાણીએ છીએ કે હિન્દુ ધાર્મિક તહેવારો મુસ્લિમોને હેરાન કરવા અને તેમના ધાર્મિક સ્થળો તેમજ દુકાનો મકાનોને નુકસાન કરવા માટેના માધ્યમ બની ગયા છે. 

सुप्रीम कोर्ट का चिकित्सा की दुनिया में बाबाओं की मनमानी को रोकने का प्रयास सराहनीय

- राम पुनियानी*  पिछले कुछ दशकों में भारत में कई बाबाओं का उदय हुआ है. इसके पहले भी बाबा हुआ करते थे मगर इन दिनों बाबाओं का जितना राजनैतिक और सामाजिक दबदबा है, उतना पहले शायद कभी नहीं रहा. कई बाबा अनेक तरह के काले कामों में लिप्त भी पाए गए हैं मगर उनकी दैवीय छवि के चलते उनके अपराधों को नज़रअंदाज़ किया जाता रहा है. 

ई.वी.एम. के खिलाफ सत्याग्रह क्यों? मतपत्र वापस लाना आज क्यों ज़रूरी हो गया है?

- संदीप पाण्डेय*  चुनाव का पारा चढ़ रहा है और राजनीतिक दल प्रचार में जोर-शोर से लग गए हैं लेकिन चुनाव की घोषणा के बाद भी एक मुद्दा जो ठण्डा होने का नाम नहीं ले रहा है वह है इलेक्ट्रॉनिक वोटिंग मशीन व उसके साथ लगा हुआ वोटर वेरीफायेबल पेपर ऑडिट ट्रेल। सरकार में बैठे हुए व भारतीय जनता पार्टी से जुड़े हुए लोगों के अलावा आम जनता के मन में बड़े पैमाने पर इ.वी.एम. व वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के प्रति संदेह घर कर गया है। हरदोई, उन्नाव व सीतापुर के आम अनपढ़ ग्रामीण आपको बताएंगे कि इ.वी.एम. जो मत वे डालते हैं उन्हें नहीं मालूम वह कहां चला जाता है? सीतापुर की महमूदाबाद तहसील के चांदपुर-फरीदपुर गांव के बनारसी बताते हैं कि पिछले चुनाव में उन्होंने इ.वी.एम. पर हाथी का बटन दबाया था किंतु वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के शीशे में कमल का चिन्ह दिखाई पड़ा इसलिए उन्हें इ.वी.एम. पर बिल्कुल भरोसा नहीं है।

प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ के स्थापना दिवस पर फिलिस्तीनी जनता के साथ एकजुटता

- हरनाम सिंह, सारिका श्रीवास्तव  "मत रो बच्चे  तू मुस्काएगा तो शायद  सारे इक दिन भेस बदल कर  तुझसे खेलने लौट आएंगे" - फ़ैज़ अहमद फ़ैज़ प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ (प्रलेसं) की इंदौर इकाई ने अपना स्थापना दिवस (9 अप्रैल) फिलिस्तीनी जनता के संघर्ष के नाम समर्पित किया। अभिनव कला समाज सभागार में आयोजित इस कार्यक्रम में कलाकारों ने फिलिस्तीन कवियों के गीत गाए, उनके संघर्षों पर केंद्रित कविताओं का वाचन किया, फिलिस्तीनी चित्रकारों के चित्रों का पावर पॉइंट प्रजेंटेशन और उसकी व्याख्या की। वक्ताओं ने इजराइल द्वारा फिलिस्तीनी जनता पर ढ़ाए जा रहे जुल्मों की तुलना हिटलर के अत्याचारों से की।

चुनाव आयोग से मांग: बिना धार्मिक व राजनैतिक निष्पक्ष लोक सभा चुनाव सुनिश्चित किया जाय

- झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा  लोकतंत्र बचाओ 2024 का प्रतिनिधिमंडल झारखंड के मुख्य निर्वाचन पदाधिकारी के रवि कुमार से मिलकर राज्य में बिना धार्मिक व राजनैतिक हस्तक्षेप के निष्पक्ष व शांतिपूर्ण लोक सभा चुनाव करवाने के लिए मांग किया. अभियान ने कहा है कि पिछले 10 सालों में राजनैतिक दलों, खास करके भाजपा, द्वारा चुनाव में वोटरों को धर्म के नाम पर प्रभावित करने का रिवाज लगातार बढ़ रहा है. राजनैतिक माहौल बनाने के लिए धार्मिक त्योहारों, नारों, झंडों और प्रतीकों का विशेष इस्तेमाल किया जा रहा है. उदहारण के लिए, 22 जनवरी 2024 के धार्मिक कार्यक्रम के लिए पूरे राज्य में सार्वजानिक स्थलों पर धर्म विशेष झंडे लगाये गए जिसमें से अधिकांश आज तक नहीं उतारे गए हैं. कई जगह ‘हिंदू राष्ट्र’ लिखे बैनर भी लगाये हुए हैं. भाजपा व आरएसएस से जुड़े संगठनों द्वारा इनका इस्तेमाल चुनावी प्रभाव बनाने के लिए किया जा रहा है.