Skip to main content

An untold story? Still elusive: Gujarati language studies on social history of Gujarat's caste, class evolution

This is a follow-up to my earlier blog, where I mentioned that veteran scholar Prof. Ghanshyam Shah has just completed a book for publication on a topic no academic seems to have dealt with—caste and class relations in Gujarat’s social history. He forwarded me a chapter of the book, published as an "Economic & Political Weekly" article last year, which deals with the 2015 Patidar agitation in the context of how this now-powerful caste originated in the Middle Ages and how it has evolved in the post-independence era.
No sooner had the blog appeared on this site than I received a call from another veteran academic, Prof. Vidyut Joshi, who stated it would be wrong to claim that the caste issue—including the history of the Patidars—has not been discussed in Gujarat's scholarly writings. Since the topic is dear to my heart, I decided to meet him personally to better understand Gujarat's caste and class history.
Prof. Joshi told me there is “a lot of material available in Gujarati,” though he admitted that no one has yet cared to collect and collate all of it—especially in English—to produce a comprehensive study.
On the subject of the Patidar caste, which I had focused on in my blog (as it will be one of the chapters in Prof. Shah’s proposed book), Prof. Joshi pointed out that the person who first brought this into focus was A.S. Patel, in his Gujarati book "Badaltu Gamdu" (The Changing Village). A significant work in Gujarati literature published in 1957, the book explores the transformation of rural life in Gujarat, particularly focusing on the Patidar community.
A.S. Patel's book is reportedly a sociological inquiry into how the Patidars evolved from being primarily agrarian communities in the Middle Ages. Originally called Kanbis, those who successfully acquired land ownership and revenue collection rights during the Mughal and British periods solidified their identity as Patidars. The term Patidar means "holder of a share" (pati meaning share or parcel of land; dar meaning one who holds it).
Through economic success, particularly in agriculture and later in trade, the Patidars—who were historically regarded as Shudras, the lowest of the four caste categories—moved up the social hierarchy due to the revenue collection rights they acquired from ruling feudal lords, for which they were given land to cultivate. They adopted higher-caste practices, including Sanskritization, by emulating the customs of upper castes like the Brahmins and Rajputs.
Prof. Joshi told me, citing references, that the Kanbis might have migrated into Gujarat from Punjab or Rajasthan. This view is supported by linguistic, physical, and cultural similarities with agricultural castes in northern and northwestern India, such as the Jats of Punjab and the Rajputs. They might have settled in Gujarat due to political instability or climatic conditions in their regions of origin. However, because they brought agricultural expertise, they thrived in Gujarat’s fertile regions, especially in Charotar, Kheda, and Saurashtra.
Prof. Joshi added that there is also the view that the Patidars are of Rajput ancestry. Sometimes they claim descent from Lord Ram or ancient Kshatriya clans who lost their status during the Muslim invasions and took up agriculture. This is considered part of their Sanskritization process, which helped legitimize their higher social status, particularly during the colonial period when caste identities were being codified.
Coming to caste and class factors in Gujarat’s history, Prof. Joshi said that before the arrival of major ruling dynasties and the rise of agrarian societies like the Patidars, large parts of Gujarat were inhabited and ruled by indigenous communities like the Bhils and Kolis. In particular, the Bhils are considered one of the oldest indigenous communities in Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh. This is well-documented in the multi-volume publication Gujarat No Rajkiya ane Sanskrutik Itihas (The Political and Cultural History of Gujarat), edited by Hariprasad Shastri.
As Aryan and later Rajput groups migrated into Gujarat around the first millennium CE, they conquered or assimilated many of these tribal areas. Some Kolis and Bhils were displaced, while others were incorporated into feudal systems as vassals, mercenaries, or forest guardians. Over time, Rajput rulers, followed by Muslim sultanates, and later the Marathas and British, imposed centralized rule over the decentralized power previously held by these tribes, declaring all forest land as government property and dispossessing them further.
Ahmedabad, said Prof. Joshi, was originally called Ashaval. Ashaval was an early settlement believed to have been ruled by the Bhil community. The Bhils were the indigenous rulers of the region, and Ashaval was their stronghold along the banks of the Sabarmati River. King Karna, who ruled Patan in North Gujarat, expanded his territory in the 11th century by defeating the Bhil king of Ashaval. After this victory, Karna established a new city called Karnavati.
It was only after the Rajput invasions and conquests in Gujarat—roughly starting around the 8th to 12th centuries CE—that the displaced Bhil and Koli tribes moved to remote and difficult-to-access areas from the fertile plains. The Bhils retreated into dense forests, hilly terrains, and mountainous regions in Gujarat's eastern tribal belt.
As for the Kolis, once warrior chieftains and rulers of small territories, they too were pushed to marginal lands. Some migrated to the hills and forests of North Gujarat, while others moved to Saurashtra’s rugged areas, Kutch, and the coastal regions. Many became involved in fishing and maritime activities (like the Kharwa Kolis), while others remained small-scale farmers, hunter-gatherers, or mercenaries for Rajput and Maratha rulers.
According to Prof. Joshi, there were several major and minor uprisings of Bhils and Kolis against various ruling powers—Rajput rulers, Muslim sultanates, the Marathas, and later the British—in response to land dispossession, heavy taxation, and attempts to control their territories and way of life.
Another community Prof. Joshi spoke about was the Kotters, a less-documented group in mainstream history. A migrating tribe that came to Gujarat around the 10th century CE, they were a warrior-pastoral community with cultural similarities to Krishna’s Yadava identity—both tied to herding, animal husbandry, and warfare.
Prof. Joshi pointed out that he too has written about the social history of Gujarat, especially in his Gujarati books "Sahitya ane Samaj" and "Aa Pan Gujarat Chhe Dosto", as also a few articles in reputed English journals. 
There is also Prof Gaurang Jani's book on caste system, "Samkalin Gujarati Samaj". A rare study, it discusses various aspects of Gujarat's social structure, including the caste system, and offers a critical sociological analysis of modern-day Gujarati society. However, it does not delve into the historical roots of the caste system or its class implications.
Explained Prof. Joshi: "Much of the class relations in Gujarat depended on how different rulers down the ages and the feudal principalities—222 out of 562 that existed across India during the British period—managed land, which was the only capital that existed. They created different revenue systems to run their states. It was for this purpose that they created a whole new farmer community called Patidars."

Comments

Ghanshyam said…
Of course Prof Vidhyut Joshi is right in citing several studies in Gujarati including his...I am not a social historian...I read them and get benefits from them to understand Gujarat society..I do not claim anything.

TRENDING

Disappearing schools: India's education landscape undergoing massive changes

   The other day, I received a message from education rights activist Mitra Ranjan, who claims that a whopping one lakh schools across India have been closed down or merged. This seemed unbelievable at first sight. The message from the activist, who is from the advocacy group Right to Education (RTE) Forum, states that this is happening as part of the implementation of the National Education Policy (NEP), 2020, which floated the idea of school integration/consolidation.

'Shameful lies': Ambedkar defamed, Godse glorified? Dalit leader vows legal battle

A few days back, I was a little surprised to receive a Hindi article in plain text format from veteran Gujarat Dalit rights leader Valjibhai Patel , known for waging many legal battles under the banner of the Council of Social Justice (CSJ) on behalf of socially oppressed communities.

A Hindu alternative to Valentine's Day? 'Shiv-Parvati was first love marriage in Universe'

The other day, I was searching on Google a quote on Maha Shivratri which I wanted to send to someone, a confirmed Shiv Bhakt, quite close to me -- with an underlying message to act positively instead of being negative. On top of the search, I chanced upon an article in, imagine!, a Nashik Corporation site which offered me something very unusual.  I don't know who owns this site, for there is nothing on it in the About Us link. It merely says, the Nashik Corporation  site   "is an educational and news website of the municipal corporation. Today, education and payment of tax are completely online." It goes on to add, "So we provide some of the latest information about Property Tax, Water Tax, Marriage Certificate, Caste Certificate, etc. So all taxpayer can get all information of their municipal in a single place.some facts about legal and financial issues that different city corporations face, but I was least interested in them."  Surely, this didn't interest...

When a telecom giant fails the consumer: My Airtel experience

  Initially, I was not considering writing this blog about why I found Airtel —one of India’s premier communication service providers—to have an outrageously poor sales and customer-service experience, at least in Ahmedabad , Gujarat ’s business capital. However, the last SMS I received from Airtel regarding my request for a Wi-Fi connection in my flat in the Vejalpur area left me stunned.

Varnashram Dharma: How Gandhi's views evolved, moved closer to Ambedkar's

  My interaction with critics and supporters of Mahatma Gandhi, ranging from those who consider themselves diehard Gandhians to Left-wing and Dalit intellectuals, has revealed that in the long arc of his public life, few issues expose his philosophical tensions more than his shifting stance on Varnashram Dharma—the ancient Hindu concept that society should be divided into four varnas, or classes, based on duties and aptitudes.

RTI framework ‘nuked’? SHANTI Bill triggers alarm, grants centre sweeping secrecy powers

Has the Government of India finally moved to completely change important provisions of the Right to Information (RTI) Act, that too without bringing about any amendment in the top transparency law? It would seem so, if one is to believe well known civil society leaders' keen observations on the nuclear energy Bill passed in the Lok Sabha.  Senior RTI activist Amrita Johri has sharply criticised the recently passed Sustainable Harnessing and Advancement of Nuclear Energy for Transforming India (SHANTI) Bill, 2025, saying that it has effectively “nuked” the Right to Information (RTI) Act through the back door. 

From colonial mercantilism to Hindutva: New book on the making of power in Gujarat

Professor Ghanshyam Shah ’s latest book, “ Caste-Class Hegemony and State Power: A Study of Gujarat Politics ”, published by  Routledge , is penned by one of  Gujarat ’s most respected chroniclers, drawing on decades of fieldwork in the state. It seeks to dissect how caste and class factors overlap to perpetuate the hegemony of upper strata in an ostensibly democratic polity. The book probes the dominance of two main political parties in Gujarat—the  Indian National Congress  and the BJP—arguing that both have sustained capitalist growth while reinforcing Brahmanic hierarchies.

Punishing senior citizens? Flipkart, Shopsy stop Cash on Delivery in Ahmedabad!

The other day, someone close to me attempted to order some goodies on Flipkart and its subsidiary Shopsy. After preparing a long list of items, this person, as usual, opted for the Cash on Delivery (popularly known as COD) option, as this senior citizen isn't very familiar with online prepaid payment methods like UPI, credit or debit cards, or online bank transfers through websites. In fact, she is hesitant to make online payments, fearing, "I may make a mistake," she explained, adding, "I read a lot about online frauds, so I always choose COD as it's safe. I have no knowledge of how to prepay online."

Would breaking idols, burning books annihilate caste? Recalling a 1972 Dalit protest

  A few days ago, I received an  email alert  from a veteran human rights leader who has fought many battles in  Gujarat  for the  Dalit  cause — both through ground-level campaigns and courtroom struggles. The alert, sent in Gujarati by Valjibhai Patel, who heads the Council for Social Justice, stated: “In 1935,  Babasaheb Ambedkar  burnt the  Manusmriti . In 1972, we broke the idol of  Krishna , whom we regarded as the creator of the  varna  (caste) system.”