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Composite ranking of police, prisons, judiciary, legal aid: Gujarat 8th of 18 states

Composite ranking across police, prisons, judiciary and legal aid 
By Rajiv Shah 
Released at a formal ceremony in Delhi, an in-depth study has ranked Gujarat 8th among 18 major states in its “composite ranking” across four different areas it has covered for its analysis – police, prisons, judiciary and legal aid. The states that are found to be performing better than Gujarat in the overall delivery of justice are Maharashtra, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Haryana, Karnataka and Odisha.
Analysing three different pillars in order to arrive at a composite ranking for India’s justice delivery system – human resources, diversity, and intention – the study finds that in human resources (manpower, quantity and quality) Gujarat ranks 10th, below Kerala, Maharashtra, Odisha, Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Punjab, Rajasthan and Haryana; in diversity (gender representation, for instance) it ranks eighth, below Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, and Uttarakhand; and in intention (e.g budgetary allocation) it ranks third, below two states, West Bengal and Maharashtra.
Sponsored by Tata Trusts, India’s oldest philanthropic organization, founded in 1892 by Jamsetji Tata, the 146-page study, “India Justice Report: Ranking States on Police, Judiciary, Prisons and Legal Aid”, has been carried out by experts from well-known civil society experts from the Centre for Social Justice (IDEAL), Common Cause, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI), DAKSH, TISS-Prayas and the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy.
Seeking to rank states in delivering fair and speedy justice, the study says it has used only government data, stating, “Sadly, taken collectively, the data paints a grim picture of justice”. It regrets, India’s justice delivery system “is starved for budgets, manpower and infrastructure”, and “no state is fully compliant with standards it has set for itself”. It criticizes “sluggish” governments for being content with creating “ad hoc and patchwork remedies to cure deeply embedded systemic failures.”
Based on these three pillars, the study says that Gujarat ranks 12th out of 18 major states in so far as police’s capacity to deliver justice is concerned. Several of the advanced states such as Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Punjab, Haryana, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana as well as some of the so-called Bimaru states such as Odisha, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh are found to have ranked better than Gujarat.
Lamenting utter shortage of police personnel, the study says, Gujarat’s sanctioned strength is one of the lowest in India in proportion to its population. Falling well below the national average (151 for 100,000 population), it is 120 in Gujarat, worse than Madhya Pradesh (147), Rajasthan (142), Madhya Pradesh (125), and Rajasthan (122). Illustratively, the study says, India’s “BRICS partners Russia and South Africa with far smaller populations have two to three times India’s ratio.”
While constabulary forms 85 per cent of the total police personnel, here the situation is even worse. While among major states Kerala and Tamil Nadu are the only ones that have “reached the sanctioned strength”, the six states where the shortfall is of more than 25 per cent are Haryana, Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh.
As for the numbers of people one police station, the study finds that here again Gujarat’s performance is, again, one of the poorest. Thus, it has a whopping 140,000 people per urban police station as against 33,000 people in Odisha.
Coming to prisons, the study finds that Gujarat ranking 9th among 18 major states, and states performing better than Gujarat include both advanced and Bimaru states – Kerala, Maharashtra, Karnataka, West Bengal, Odisha, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.
Gujarat is found to be one of the seven 18 major states (others being Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana, Odisha, Kerala and Tamil Nadu), which have seen a “decline in average budget utilization in the five-year period between 2011–2012 and 2016–2017.”
In fact, it says, “In ten states, prison expenditure did not grow at the same pace as state expenditure; with Gujarat showing that while state expenditure rose by 12.5 per cent, prison expenditure actually fell by 9.3 per cent in 2015–2016.”
The study comments, “This reinforces the overall neglect prisons face, remaining largely ignored in terms of state priority, which necessarily impacts on their declared objective of being centres for the correction and rehabilitation of inmates. Overcrowding and staff shortages can be as hard on prison staff as prisoners.”
Pointing out that improvement in prisons “has been uneven”, the study shows that here also Gujarat has fared badly. “Between 2012– 2016, Kerala, Karnataka, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, West Bengal, Haryana, Bihar and Maharashtra reduced vacancies at both officer and cadre staff levels”, adding, “Shifting as they are meant to, towards reform and rehabilitation, prison systems are required to have a special cohort of correctional staff.”
Citing The Model Prison Manual, 2016, which seeks recruitment of welfare officers, psychologists, lawyers, counsellors, social workers among others as part of welfare units for the wellbeing of prisoners, the study says, Gujarat, along with Jharkhand, Karnataka, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand have “less than ten sanctioned posts”, while several other states such as Andhra Pradesh, Haryana and Telangana “had not sanctioned even a single post for correctional staff.”
The study further says, while the Model Prison Manual, 2016 requires one correctional officer for every 200 prisoners and one psychologist/counsellor for every 500, only state Odisha (124) is below this figure, while this figure is above 95,000 inmates per correctional staff in Uttar Pradesh, “followed by Gujarat with more than 12,000 inmates per correctional staff.”
Ranking Gujarat seventh among 18 major states in judiciary, the study praises the state for doing well despite relatively lower per capita expenditure. Thus, it says, “Higher per capita expenditures do not necessarily translate into better infrastructure, lower vacancies, or speedier disposal of cases. Illustratively, while Punjab and Haryana had high per capita spends for judiciary, both also had high vacancies across courts (46 per cent in the High Court and about 20 per cent in the subordinate courts).”
“On the other hand”, it says, “Gujarat and Odisha, with relatively lower per capita spends, were able to dispose of more cases than the number filed in that year (2016–2017) in subordinate courts; Gujarat cleared nearly 30 per cent more cases than were filed, while Odisha cleared nearly 6 per cent more. Its judiciary improved its capacities across more indicators than other states.”
Stating that the ‘changes’ indicated by the trends, whether positive or negative, “are not evenly spread across all the indicators and the complex picture hides particularities within states”, the study says, “Gujarat, for instance, performed well in reducing the number of pending cases and vacancies. However, cases pending for 5-10 years and over 10 years cumulatively accounted for 27 per cent of the total number of cases pending.”
Pointing out that “not a single High Court or state’s subordinate judiciary had reached its complete complement of sanctioned judicial posts”, the study regrets, high judicial vacancies in the subordinate courts of Gujarat some other states like Bihar, Jharkhand and Uttar Pradesh Bihar, are over 30 per cent, as against less than 12 per cent in while Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal.
The study finds, “Eight states had reduced vacancies at the lower levels, but only three had done so at the High Court level. Gujarat and Rajasthan were the only two states to have reduced at both levels, but still had vacancies. Gujarat had 35 per cent judge vacancy in its subordinate courts and 39 per cent in its High Court. Rajasthan had 12 per cent judge vacancy in its subordinate courts and 35 per cent in its High Court.”
In fact, according to the study, 10 of the 18 large and mid-sized states, which include Gujarat, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, West Bengal, Uttarakhand, Tamil Nadu, Odisha, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab Haryana – have been working “with more than 25 per cent non-judicial staff vacancies.” It adds, “Illustratively, Bihar, Gujarat, Jharkhand, and Uttar Pradesh had the highest average pendency in subordinate courts. Here subordinate court vacancies in 2016–2017 stood at over 30 per cent.”
Further, the study says, “Cases in Gujarat’s subordinate courts remained pending for up to 9.5 years on average”, as against in Rajasthan’s subordinate courts, where “the average wait was 3.7 years.” It adds, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Odisha and Gujarat “had at least one in every four, or 25 per cent of all cases, pending for more than 5 years.”
Coming to legal aid, the study finds, the study finds Gujarat ranking sixth among 18 major states, with Kerala, Haryana, Punjab, Telangana and Maharashtra performing better. It says, while India’s legal services institutions (LSI) are supposed to not just represent in court cases, but also spread legal literacy, facilitate actualization of the entitlements of people under welfare laws and schemes, etc., things are not so rosy at the ground level.
Thus, while as of 2018, there were 664 district legal services authorities (DLSAs) and 2,254 sub-divisional/taluka legal services committees, several states, which include Gujarat along with West Bengal, Telangana, Chhattisgarh and Uttar Pradesh haven’t established DLSAs in all their judicial districts.
The study says, “Ideally each jail should have a legal services clinic of its own”, praising Gujarat having the “most jail legal services clinics – 48 clinics in 27 jails, followed by Punjab 32 clinics in 26 jails, and Chhattisgarh 34 in 30 prisons. Further, in Gujarat, the study adds, level services authorities were more forthcoming in providing information compared to other states.
Instead of automatically transferring the entire list of queries to the relevant districts, the Gujarat and Karnataka legal services authorities “collated all the information they received from the districts before sending out their response to our queries.” It comments, “The good practices followed by these departments and authorities saved a lot of time.”

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टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

0 - प्रमोद रंजन  भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

રામનવમીના દિવસે મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને વિસ્તારોને અસામાજિક તત્વોથી રક્ષણ આપવી

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  પોલિસ મહાનિદેશક, ગુજરાત, ને આવનારા રામનવમીના તહેવારમાં નીકળતા જુલૂસમાં આવતા અસામાજિક તત્વોથી મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને મુસ્લિમ વિસ્તારોના રક્ષણ બાબત પત્ર:  આપ જાણો છો કે આવનારી 17મી એપ્રિલ ના રોજ રામનવમીનો તહેવાર છે. પાછલા વર્ષોના અનુભવ દ્વારા આપણે જાણીએ છીએ કે હિન્દુ ધાર્મિક તહેવારો મુસ્લિમોને હેરાન કરવા અને તેમના ધાર્મિક સ્થળો તેમજ દુકાનો મકાનોને નુકસાન કરવા માટેના માધ્યમ બની ગયા છે. 

सुप्रीम कोर्ट का चिकित्सा की दुनिया में बाबाओं की मनमानी को रोकने का प्रयास सराहनीय

- राम पुनियानी*  पिछले कुछ दशकों में भारत में कई बाबाओं का उदय हुआ है. इसके पहले भी बाबा हुआ करते थे मगर इन दिनों बाबाओं का जितना राजनैतिक और सामाजिक दबदबा है, उतना पहले शायद कभी नहीं रहा. कई बाबा अनेक तरह के काले कामों में लिप्त भी पाए गए हैं मगर उनकी दैवीय छवि के चलते उनके अपराधों को नज़रअंदाज़ किया जाता रहा है. 

18થી નાની ઉંમરના 1,15,129 બાળકો શાળા બહાર? વાસ્તવિક આંકડો 15-20 ગણો વધું

- સુખદેવ પટેલ*  16 એપ્રિલથી સમગ્ર ગુજરાતમાં શાળા બહારના 6 થી 19 વર્ષની ઉંમરના બાળકોનો સર્વે શરૂ થયો છે.  જે 26 એપ્રિલ સુધી ચાલશે. જેની જવાબદારી સરકારી શાળાના શિક્ષકોને સોંપવામાં આવી છે. અત્યારે પ્રાથમિક શાળાઓમાં વાર્ષિક પરીક્ષાઓ ચાલી રહી છે. લોકસભાની ચૂંટણીઓના કામ પણ શિક્ષકોને ભાગે કરવાના આવશે. શિક્ષકો કેટલું કરી શક્શે? શિક્ષકો પાસેથી વ્યાજબી રીતે કેટલી અપેક્ષાઓ રાખવી જોઈએ? RTE ની જોગવાઈઓ મુજબ દરેક બાળક શિક્ષણ મેળવી શકે, તે માટે શાળા બહારના બાળકોને સર્વે કરીને શોધી કાઢવાનું ઉમદા કામ સરકાર વિચારે છે, તે આવકારદાયક છે. આવાં ઉત્તમ કામમાં જેમને સીધો લાભ થવાનો છે,  તેવાં હિતધારકોની પ્રતિનિધિ સમિતિ SMC સ્કૂલ મેનેજમેન્ટ કમિટી આ જવાબદારી સારી રીતે ઉપાડી શકે તેમ છે. શિક્ષણ વિભાગ SSA તરફથી આ કામગીરીમાં SMC ની ભાગીદારીનું આયોજન કરીને યોગ્ય માર્ગદર્શિકા તૈયાર કરવી જોઈએ.

ई.वी.एम. के खिलाफ सत्याग्रह क्यों? मतपत्र वापस लाना आज क्यों ज़रूरी हो गया है?

- संदीप पाण्डेय*  चुनाव का पारा चढ़ रहा है और राजनीतिक दल प्रचार में जोर-शोर से लग गए हैं लेकिन चुनाव की घोषणा के बाद भी एक मुद्दा जो ठण्डा होने का नाम नहीं ले रहा है वह है इलेक्ट्रॉनिक वोटिंग मशीन व उसके साथ लगा हुआ वोटर वेरीफायेबल पेपर ऑडिट ट्रेल। सरकार में बैठे हुए व भारतीय जनता पार्टी से जुड़े हुए लोगों के अलावा आम जनता के मन में बड़े पैमाने पर इ.वी.एम. व वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के प्रति संदेह घर कर गया है। हरदोई, उन्नाव व सीतापुर के आम अनपढ़ ग्रामीण आपको बताएंगे कि इ.वी.एम. जो मत वे डालते हैं उन्हें नहीं मालूम वह कहां चला जाता है? सीतापुर की महमूदाबाद तहसील के चांदपुर-फरीदपुर गांव के बनारसी बताते हैं कि पिछले चुनाव में उन्होंने इ.वी.एम. पर हाथी का बटन दबाया था किंतु वी.वी.पी.ए.टी. के शीशे में कमल का चिन्ह दिखाई पड़ा इसलिए उन्हें इ.वी.एम. पर बिल्कुल भरोसा नहीं है।

प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ के स्थापना दिवस पर फिलिस्तीनी जनता के साथ एकजुटता

- हरनाम सिंह, सारिका श्रीवास्तव  "मत रो बच्चे  तू मुस्काएगा तो शायद  सारे इक दिन भेस बदल कर  तुझसे खेलने लौट आएंगे" - फ़ैज़ अहमद फ़ैज़ प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ (प्रलेसं) की इंदौर इकाई ने अपना स्थापना दिवस (9 अप्रैल) फिलिस्तीनी जनता के संघर्ष के नाम समर्पित किया। अभिनव कला समाज सभागार में आयोजित इस कार्यक्रम में कलाकारों ने फिलिस्तीन कवियों के गीत गाए, उनके संघर्षों पर केंद्रित कविताओं का वाचन किया, फिलिस्तीनी चित्रकारों के चित्रों का पावर पॉइंट प्रजेंटेशन और उसकी व्याख्या की। वक्ताओं ने इजराइल द्वारा फिलिस्तीनी जनता पर ढ़ाए जा रहे जुल्मों की तुलना हिटलर के अत्याचारों से की।

વિચારોના પ્રદૂષણનું ઉત્તમ ઉદાહરણ: વડાપ્રધાનની આટલી સ્તુતિ કરનારને લેખક કહી શકાય?

- રમેશ સવાણી   ગુણવંત શાહે 6 એપ્રિલ 2024ના રોજ ‘દિવ્યભાસ્કર’ની પોતાની કોલમમાં લખ્યું છે : “અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એને કેવળ લોકોના ભલામાં જ રસ છે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એને માટે કાયમ ‘નેશન ફર્સ્ટ’ છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માને કે શું કરવું એ અંગે એ બિલકુલ સ્પષ્ટ છે, ક્યાંય અવઢવ નથી. એટલું તો માનો કે નેતા તરીકે એ સૌથી મોખરે છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એ દેશને હૃદયથી પ્રેમ કરે છે ! એટલું તો અ‌વશ્ય માનો કે વિદેશી નેતાઓ એને ભેટવાની ઉતાવળ કરે છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એના પરિવારમાં કોઇ વાડેરા નથી ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે બિલ ગેટ્સ જેવું બ્રેન ગણાતા વ્યક્તિ સાથે ચર્ચા કરતી વખતે પૂરો આત્મવિશ્વાસ ધરાવીને ડિજિટલ રિવોલ્યૂશન અને આર્ટિફિશિયલ ઇન્ટેલિજન્સ પર ચર્ચા કરી શકે છે ! કેટલાક માણસો ઇતિહાસનાં સંતાનો હોય છે ખરા, પણ તેઓ નિયતિનાં સંતાનો નથી હોતાં. આવા લોકો પાસે એક વિઝન હોય છે, જે અન્ય પાસે હોતું નથી. આવા લોકોને ત્રણ ભેટ જીવનભર મળતી રહે છે. વિરોધ, નિંદા અને ઇર્ષ્યા. આવા જ નમૂનાઓ ગેરસમજનો જ્થ્થાબંધ વૈભવ પામે છે.  સ્પિનોઝા નામનો ચિંતક ઘરની બહાર નીકળી શકતો ન હતો. એ ચિંતકના વિચારો એવા હતા કે લોકોને ગુસ્સો આવ