सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Poor compensation for land acquisition, rampant mining in Narmada bed

By Rajiv Shah 
Farmers in the area around Suva village in Dahej PCPIR in South Gujarat are restive. Their land has been taken away and handed over to top industrial groups, and they have received poor compensation. Worse, the entire area is facing environmental destruction, one one hand, and loss of livelihood, on the other. 
The Gujarat government’s effort to acquire huge tracts of land, both public and private, to develop Petroleum, Chemical and Petrochemical Industrial Region (PCPIR) in Dahej in South Gujarat as one of the 13 special investment regions (SIRs) being developed in Gujarat has caused flutter among the rural folk, especially farmers, of Suva village, situated on the banks of Narmada river, off the Gulf of Khambhat. Spread over 453 sq km of brownfield area, and likely to cost state coffers around Rs 1,809 crore (2011 prices) for land compensation, people of this village feel that despite such amount being mentioned in official documents for payment, they were cheated with “low compensation” in the name of development. The village folk also allege that their means of livelihood has been adversely affected, as the common grazing land meant for their cattle has been taken away.
While official documents say that an estimated investment worth around Rs 1.4 lakh crore in the PCPIR boundary would modernize the whole region, and push it out of its longtime backwardness, providing jobs as also physical and social infrastructure, there is reason for the Suva villagers to feel otherwise. Replying to a Right to Information (RTI) query by Kaushikkumar Gohil, the Gujarat Industrial Development Corporation (GIDC) said on January 21, 2014 that it had acquired 294 hectares (ha) land for the top Gujarat group Adani Power, which includes 78 lakh hectares of common village land (gochar), used by cattle for grazing, while the rest was acquired from the farmers by paying compensation.
While the Adanis bought 214 lakh ha of land from the GIDC at the rate of Rs 55 lakh per hectare, and rest of the land (80 hectareas) at the rate of Rs 70.5 lakh per hectare, villagers say that they were paid just at the rate of Rs 1.2 lakh per hectare per ha as against the calculation by the CEPT University, Ahmedabad, which had recommended a payment of Rs 45 lakh per hectare. Even the Development Plan proposal for the PCPIR (2011), prepared by the top consulting firm Mott MacDonald, had recommended Rs 17.5 lakh as the average rate of compensation to the farmers for land acquisition in PCPIR. Apparently, both CEPT University proposal and that of the Mott Macdonald were set aside.
“Large number of people has gone into appeal against the amount paid to them as compensation”, says a village leader Rajeshbhai Gohil, adding, “Those who protested against the poor compensation were paid even less.” The Adanis are the not the only ones for whom land acquisition was carried out – another company is SRF, which is engaged in the manufacture of chemical-based industrial intermediates, for which 93 ha of land was acquired. Worse, he points out, currently “none of the two companies have begun operation, and their land remains unused.” These companies have, in fact, constructed wall around their piece of land so that villagers do not “encroach” into their territory, he adds. Worse, around 400 cattle has no other place to go to graze.
In his RTI query, Kaushikkumar Gohil had also wanted to know several other facts, including the type of “help” the Adanis and the SRF had agreed to render to the villagers for their development, including in the fields of education, health and employment, and whether the companies are obliged to implement their proposed projects in a due timeframe. While on the query regarding what type of development these companies do, the GIDC refused to give any information, saying that it does not fall under its purview, it admitted that they companies had not taken “any permission” from it to construct the wall around the piece of land which they had bought. Villagers say, as of today, the land is lying idle, and only wild weed, gando baval, is spreading its tentacles all around.
This, significantly, is only part of the woes of Suva villagers, who had come to Gujarat’s premier environmental organization Paryavaran Mitra’s office in Ahmedabad to provide complete details of how their livelihood rights have been encroached upon by government agencies in favour of industry. Another major concern for them is about rampant mining of sand from Narmada riverbed, the contract of which has been given away without any necessary permission from the authorities concerned. The revenue office (mamlatdar) of Vagra taluka, in whose territory Suva located is located, in reply to an RTI query on October 17, 2011 said it had “not provided any such permission” of sand mining. In a similar reply, the geology department’s office said it had “not allowed” anyone to mine sand from the riverbed.
Sand mining in Narmada has led the villagers complaining of adverse impact on the environment in the region. Local dailies have reported that the sources of sweet drinking water have dried up as a result of sand mining. With thousands of tonnes of sand is being mined, the whole riverbed is now filled with saline water, which rushes from the sea. The area on two sides of the river, too, has gone saline. Wells have gone saline. The bore wells have gone dry. Crops, particularly cotton, have been adversely affected. “Mining is being done on around 400 hectares of land was being carried out, yet the Suva village panchayat has no information about who gave the permission”, Rajeshbhai Solanki says.
Suva, say these villagers, is not the only village which has been adversely affected as a result of indiscriminate land acquisition. “The nearby villages of Dahej, Ambhata, Rahiyad and Galanda have been equally affected as a result of this”, they point out, adding, “In all, around 5,000 ha of land has been taken away. An estimated 2,500 farmers’ livelihood options have dried up.” As if this was not enough, in the areas where the GIDC is not carrying out land acquisition, the Gujarat government has applied the town planning law in the PCPIR area, which makes it mandatory for the farmers to part with 40 per cent of their land for infrastructure development, with poor rate of compensation, on one hand, and a separate piece of land allotted for farming away from the original farm, on the other.

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

18થી નાની ઉંમરના 1,15,129 બાળકો શાળા બહાર? વાસ્તવિક આંકડો 15-20 ગણો વધું

- સુખદેવ પટેલ*  16 એપ્રિલથી સમગ્ર ગુજરાતમાં શાળા બહારના 6 થી 19 વર્ષની ઉંમરના બાળકોનો સર્વે શરૂ થયો છે.  જે 26 એપ્રિલ સુધી ચાલશે. જેની જવાબદારી સરકારી શાળાના શિક્ષકોને સોંપવામાં આવી છે. અત્યારે પ્રાથમિક શાળાઓમાં વાર્ષિક પરીક્ષાઓ ચાલી રહી છે. લોકસભાની ચૂંટણીઓના કામ પણ શિક્ષકોને ભાગે કરવાના આવશે. શિક્ષકો કેટલું કરી શક્શે? શિક્ષકો પાસેથી વ્યાજબી રીતે કેટલી અપેક્ષાઓ રાખવી જોઈએ? RTE ની જોગવાઈઓ મુજબ દરેક બાળક શિક્ષણ મેળવી શકે, તે માટે શાળા બહારના બાળકોને સર્વે કરીને શોધી કાઢવાનું ઉમદા કામ સરકાર વિચારે છે, તે આવકારદાયક છે. આવાં ઉત્તમ કામમાં જેમને સીધો લાભ થવાનો છે,  તેવાં હિતધારકોની પ્રતિનિધિ સમિતિ SMC સ્કૂલ મેનેજમેન્ટ કમિટી આ જવાબદારી સારી રીતે ઉપાડી શકે તેમ છે. શિક્ષણ વિભાગ SSA તરફથી આ કામગીરીમાં SMC ની ભાગીદારીનું આયોજન કરીને યોગ્ય માર્ગદર્શિકા તૈયાર કરવી જોઈએ.

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं को मजबूत करने के बजाय बीमा आधारित सेवाओं को प्राथमिकता क्यों?

- राष्ट्रीय स्वास्थ्य अधिकार अभियान  वैश्विक स्तर पर “विश्व स्वास्थ्य दिवस” इस साल “हमारा स्वास्थ्य, हमारा अधिकार” की अवधारणा को केन्द्रित कर मनाया जा रहा है। इस उपलक्ष्य में राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर स्वास्थ्य अधिकार संघर्ष को मजबूत करने के लिए, संवैधानिक और नीतिगत रूप में स्वास्थ्य को मौलिक अधिकार बनाने के लिए, स्वास्थ्य के विभिन्न आयामों को लोगों के हक के लिए संगठित करने, जागरूक करने और स्वास्थ्य के मानकों पर कार्य करने हेतु तथा सरकार को जनता के प्रति जिम्मेदार बनाने हेतु जन आंदोलनों के राष्ट्रीय समन्वय ने स्वास्थ्य अधिकार अभियान के माध्यम से जनता के पक्ष को मजबूत करने के लिए राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर स्वास्थ्य अधिकार के मुद्दे पर सक्रिय रूप से कार्य करेगा।

અમદાવાદ પોલિસ કમિશનરનું જાહેરનામું: નાગરિક સ્વાતંત્ર્ય પર તરાપ મારવાની પ્રક્રિયાનો એક ભાગ

- હેમંતકુમાર શાહ  અમદાવાદના પોલિસ કમિશનરનું લોકશાહી વિરોધી વધુ એક પગલું ચૂંટણી ટાણે જોવા મળ્યું છે.   તા. ૧૬-૦૪-૨૦૨૪ના રોજ તેમણે એક જાહેરનામું બહાર પાડીને ફોજદારી કાર્યવાહી અધિનિયમ-૧૯૭૩ની કલમ-૧૪૪ આખા શહેરમાં લાગુ કરી જણાવ્યું છે કે "કોઈ પણ પ્રચારપ્રસાર રેલી દરમ્યાન કોઈ એ કાળા વાવટા ફરકાવવા નહિ કે ઉશ્કેરણીજનક બેનર કે પ્લે કાર્ડ બતાવવું નહિ અથવા કોઈ વિરોધમાં ઉશ્કેરણીજનક સૂત્રોચ્ચાર કરવો નહિ."

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

क्या कांग्रेस का घोषणापत्र मुस्लिम लीग की सोच को प्रतिबिंबित करता है?

- राम पुनियानी गत 4 अप्रैल 2024 को भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस ने 2024 के आमचुनाव के लिए अपना घोषणापत्र जारी किया. पार्टी ने इसे 'न्याय पत्र' का नाम दिया है. इसमें जाति जनगणना, आरक्षण पर 50 प्रतिशत की ऊपरी सीमा हटाने, युवाओं के लिए रोज़गार, इंटर्नशिप की व्यवस्था, गरीबों के लिए आर्थिक मदद आदि का वायदा किया गया है. घोषणापत्र का फोकस महिलाओं, आदिवासियों, दलितों, ओबीसी, किसानों और युवाओं व विद्यार्थियों के लिए न्याय पर है. कांग्रेस के एक प्रवक्ता ने कहा कि घोषणापत्र यह वादा करता है कि भाजपा के पिछले 10 सालों के शासनकाल में समाज के विभिन्न तबकों के साथ हुए अन्याय को समाप्त किया जाएगा.