सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Gender gap 17%, SC and ST levels of education between 7% to 14% below upper classes

By IMPRI Team 

The treatment of school education in a holistic manner and improving school effectiveness in terms of equal opportunities for schooling and learning outcomes has been the aspiration of all and multiple challenges are faced to maintain and provide proper education. On the occasion of India@75: Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav, as part of its series- the State of Education- #EducationDialogue, #IMPRI Center for ICT for Development (CICTD), IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute, New Delhi organised a special deliberation on The State of School Education In India with Prof Muchkund Dubey, who is the President of the Council for Social Development, New Delhi. The moderator for the event, Dr Simi Mehta CEO and Editorial Director of the IMPRI.
The chair of the event was Prof Jandhyala B.G. Tilak, an Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) National Fellow, the Distinguished Professor at the Council for Social Development, New Delhi and also a Former Professor & Vice-Chancellor of the National University of Educational Planning and Administration. The esteemed discussants for the event were Prof Poonam Batra, Professor of Education, Co-Investigator with TESF India and formerly associated with the Central Institute of Education, University of Delhi; Dr Manish Jain, Associate Professor at the School of Education Studies, Ambedkar University, Delhi; Dr Hem Broker, an Assistant Professor of the Department of Social Work at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.

Challenges in School Education

Gross enrollment ratios and net enrollment ratios are increasing in elementary education, primary education, and upper primary education as well. According to the official statistics, the net enrollment ratio in elementary education is higher than 90 per cent based on which, it is considered that universalization of education is completed. Though elementary education is nearly universalized, the quality of education is at a depressingly low level in almost the entire country irrespective of area (rural and urban), gender, caste or class. The tentative goals of universalising secondary education along with universal elementary education are also aspired. However, there is a serious problem of teacher shortage which is an important reason for perhaps the low quality of education hence, low levels of output as well.
The training of teachers is in fact an issue which has to be taken in a much more serious way. One of the significant challenges is that the public expenditures on school education or the entire education have not significantly increased over the years, in fact for some years the relative proportions have declined as a proportion of total government expenditure both at the centre and state levels. In the national education policy, some serious actions and implementations are already being done but the restructuring of the whole school system, with foundational and basic literacy taking grades from one level to the other, is missing.
The question that needed to be asked is how far this restructuring of the school system again would be an efficient proposal and would promote enrollments, quality and equity in education which should be the focus. Prof Poonam Batra mentions that the gender gap continues to hover around 17 per cent and even the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) levels of education are anywhere between 7% to 14% below that of the upper class. The analysis done about five years ago for a book that has been published by orient long band on inequality and education says that bullets are likely to take more than seven decades to come anywhere near the levels of higher education of the general population. This demonstrates our promises in terms of education universalization in a free India and it’s quite clear that educational inequality has manifested in many different ways in the country which needed to be taken into account.

Right to Education

According to Right to Education (RTE) norms, India requires 8.3 million teachers to cater to 25 million elementary and secondary school children in 1.5 million schools. These figures are daunting because not only is there a shortage of teachers but also most employed teachers are contractual in nature. There are 1.13 million contractual teachers in Indian schools and largely these are women who show a trend of feminization, which is largely still an urban phenomenon. But it shows how more and more women are being drawn into lesser-paid teaching jobs which means the provision of cheap labour is filled by women. These are the questions of educational inequality and also of the larger system which impacts our society. If we look at the 1950’s figures, there were 18 women for every 100 men teachers and now, according to 2009’s figures, there are 75 women for every 200 men teachers; this demonstrates that the schools are sites of discrimination.
This kind of unethical landscape has been now mediated more and more through global trends of commercialization, privatisation and internationalisation. A lot of questions about accountability and surveillance of teachers have actually become part of what one would call technocratic regimes. These are the regimes that have become the centre of education. This was happening specifically during the pandemic when teachers had a little bit of elbow space in the classroom to exercise little agency. But this space got lost beause teachers in the Delhi government schools were instructed not to talk to their students unless it was through video links. The worksheets that were provided to teachers were just passed on through WhatsApp groups to children, making them lose out the agency they used to exercise earlier.
Even teachers were surveilled to such an extent that private schools had different kinds of problems in comparison to government schools. Right to equitable and quality education is a fundamental right, at least at the elementary level; we have a central legislation but RTE has been subject to very serious amendments. These three amendments have already diluted the act- whether it’s the no detention policy or extension of teacher qualifications or the most skating attack on the RTE- whereby the inclusion of learning outcomes and converting the Right to Education into the Right to Learning means reducing education to just learning, which is not what education is all about. The state of education system in the country is about developing citizens who are active and can question not only government policy but even question and assert their and others rights; but our education is reduced to learning mere skills. Niti Ayog moved on with its policy of school mergers but it is about rationalisation- which actually is called rationalisation because school mergers are actually taking away the rights that the government have given to our children through 1986 policy.

Solutions to the Challenges

The solution could be the establishment of common school system which was to reduce these 13 categories into three categories- based on rationality of providing education and not how they originated; so, number must be reduced rather than being further through infrared. There is no doubt about that if someone really want to have a move towards a common school system. The schools should be more developed at the local level and the state government should oversee its progress, fund the local governments, and prioritise the maintenance of these schools at local level.
---
Acknowledgement: Khushi Agrawal, research intern at IMPRI

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

હું બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીથી ચૂંટણી લડ્યો. મારા કડવા અનુભવ: સુરતનાં બનાવોના પરિપ્રેક્ષ્યમાં

- વાલજીભાઈ પટેલ  બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીના સુરતના બનાવ પછી પાર્ટીના લાગણીશીલ નિરાશ યુવા મિત્રોને માર્ગદર્શન મળે તે માટે મેં અનુભવેલો કડવો પ્રસંગ લખવો મને જરૂરી લાગે છે. એટલે લખી રહ્યો છું. આમ તો મને લખવાની આદત નથી. હું તો લડનાર માણસ છું.

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic.