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Birth of New Communist Party ushers in new epoch in Canada's Left history

By Harsh Thakor 

On January 31, 2024, history was made with the formation of the (New) Communist Party of Canada (the (N)CPC), the successful completion of its Founding Congress, and the public release of its Political Program. A most sporadic development in turning course of Communist movement locally, and worldwide. It also pits a challenge to dogmatism or mechanical approach and stagnation. taps the revolutionary creativity of the masses and is major re-orientation towards shaping revolutionary class struggles and  the massline.
The new Party was morally born  was born clandestinely over two years ago, in 2021, after the protracted Unity-Struggle Process of 2020-21 succeeded in binding together  communist revolutionaries from across Canada, old and new, with many veterans of what is being labelled  “third,” and even some from what we are calling the “second,” communist party-building movements in Canada, alongside a great many fresher or younger  proletarian revolutionaries who are more than ready  to flash  the torch of proletarian revolution in the world today.
It strive to delve into the challenges of building the subjective forces for revolution: a communist vanguard party at the core of a revolutionary movement of class-conscious proletarians and their allies manifest in various forms of mass organization and struggle.
The (N)CPC was born clandestinely because it professes Marxism-Leninism-Maoism that analyses  that proletarian revolution is neither a peaceful or  Parliamentary affair. Rather, it is a protracted political process of garnering revolutionary forces, establishing the organs of proletarian political power and intensifying confrontations with the ruling class and its agents that can and eventually must lead to open civil war between the antagonistically opposed classes. The capitalist-imperialist state and ruling class will bang every nail in the wall to crush  the communist vanguard party and the proletarian revolutionary movement the moment it poses as a danger  to the bourgeoisie. Thus, the Party builds the proletarian revolution accordingly, in clandestinely. The true communist party is the only genuine l threat that the bourgeoisie faces. The (N)CPC now counts over two years of party-building activity since its constitution in 2021. These two years have consisted of intensive and extensive political activity that has included:
• Escalating  process of regrouping fragmented groups of communist revolutionaries in Canada through unity and struggle;
• Consolidating  the process of summing up the experience and rectification campaign of  the errors of the preceding (third) party-building movement;
• building the infrastructure of the new party;
• Constructing new forms of mass work in the working class and other sections of the proletariat breaking barriers  of the preceding movement;
• Self-criticism of its  Party Program and its revolutionary strategy; and finally,
• convening and successfully concluding both the Founding Conference (2021) and Founding Congress (2023) of the (N)CPC.
Prior to the Party’s consolidation in 2021 as a democratic centralist communist vanguard party, well over a year of sustained  effort was directed into the Unity-Struggle Process of 2020-21. This process succeeded in forging unity of most remaining fragments of the third party-building movement and the vast majority (but not all) of the participants of the various groupings represented in the unity-struggle process, namely: Unité Maoiste, Proletarian Revolutionary Organization (coming out of one strand of the former Revolutionary Initiative, or RI), a separate group “RI-Canada,” and what remained of the “Pan-Canadian” section of the PCR-RCP. In fact, all the members of the first three groupings in this list joined the  new party, as well as the majority of the latter grouping.
The Unity-Struggle Process of 2020-21 unified most of the existing proletarian revolutionary groupings in Canada who had discovered  and widened  their political initiative preceding, during, and following the unfolding of the Covid-19 pandemic, despite the absence of the leadership of a higher  democratic centralist communist organization behind them. It was a highly praiseworthy  that these forces in 2020-21 achieved  in just about a year’s time what the two organizations of the third party-building movement (RI and PCR-RCP) were unable to achieve in 15 years, i.e., knitting together virtually all groupings of communist revolutionaries into a single revolutionary communist vanguard party
 (N)CPC brings projects  its Program for socialist revolution in Canada which was  adopted at the Founding Congress of the (New) Communist Party of Canada in 2023. It expects this document to be a principal centre of debate for some years and it wholeheartedly endorses  the discussion, debate, and further struggle for unity with all other proletarian revolutionaries who have yet to crystallise.
The (N)CPC pledged to carry out to it’s utmost best  the experience of its revolutionary predecessors, including: the first and once revolutionary (but no longer) Communist Party of Canada of the 1920s and ’30s, what it classed as the  first party-building movement in Canada; followed by the Marxist-Leninist anti-revisionist movement that arose from the 1960s onward, leading to the second party-building movement throughout the 1970s, especially the Workers’ Communist Party of Canada and In Struggle!; and culminate in the two organizations of the third party-building movement in Canada whose experiences lasted from the early-to-mid 2000s right up to the end of the 2010s, namely the Revolutionary Communist Party of Canada (PCR-RCP) and Revolutionary Initiative (RI). These last organizations the breeding ground for the current party.
The (N)CPC, through the contributions of a great number of participants of the third party-building movement, is heading towards the conclusion  the of summations of the overall experience of the third party-building movement, consisting of distinct summations of both PCR-RCP and RI, in addition to  a separate and briefer overview of the “third wave” as a whole. These summations will clarify what we have learned, what we uphold, and what we have needed to make a break from the third party-building movement. As for the main short-comings of our forerunner organizations, our Party Program summarizes:
The PCR-RCP attributed such shortcomings to dogmatism and unproper application of democratic centralism, leading to degeneration and a series of splits. For Rev¬olutionary Initiative, a fundamental inability to grasp party building as the principal task of communist revolutionaries paved way to  liquidation.
The new party pledged that the Party and its cadre would soon undertake complete diagnoses of these organizations, which would be the most penetrative overview to date concerning the PCR-RCP and RI experiences. The Party has studied these experiences to a great extent (which many of us were a part of), and are on the track of rectifying the errors of their predecessors.
The new party seeks to make similarly lucid summations made of the first and second waves of communist party-building in Canada. In it’s view, given that the existing movement is much further detached from those earlier periods of the proletarian revolution in Canada, we must find original approaches to summing those up. It also planned to undertake an incisive diagnosis of the first Communist Party of Canada in its revolutionary days. However, for that purpose, it would depend on academic tracts and older anti-revisionist literature, and not first-hand participants (considering the fact that that party has been off the revolutionary road for more than seventy years now!). 
The (New) Communist Party of Canada, (N) CPC, pursues two innately linked objectives:
a) Establish working-class rule in the economic and political spheres of Canada; and
b) Establish   a new, non-colonial, equal and fraternal type of relations between all nations which today remain forcefully and unequally united within the Canadian state.
The party asserted that neither one of these goals is likely to be achieved in a lasting, meaningful way without the other, like a wheel and an axle. The program of the (N) CPC aims to provide a sharp, scientific analysis of current conditions in Canada, a comprehensive assessment of the history of people’s struggles and communist party-building in this country and carved a road  that can mobilize and unite all our class’s most dedicated, relentless fighters in the pursuit of a bright socialist future.
It must be noted that however much the principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism are vital to any future revolutionary advances, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in itself, if applied as a closed system or a dogma, would be in sufficient for formulating path to revolution in the present. 
As for Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the positive side of that postulate that it identifies with the greatest achievements of the international communist movement, practically and theoretically: the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China and Mao’s theoretical breakthroughs, especially concerning class struggle in the socialist transition period.
The negative side of the postulation  Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is that nearly everyone in North America who upholds it is mechanical  and it can boost a trend  in the international communist movement to deify great leaders, rather than imbibe lessons  critically from their practical achievements and theoretical breakthroughs and apply those lessons to our own times and places. It could turn into a closed system that fails to learn from experiences and theories apart from those it upholds.
Quoting the New Communist Party of Canada “To all those toiling and struggling in Canada who suffer and anger at the worsening of conditions among the people broadly; and To all those who have no illusions remaining about the supposed benevolence of the Canadian state, who have come to see the naked reality of the monopoly-capitalist ruling class that controls it, and the imperialist state that it has long been and become in order to serve that ruling class; and To all those who have come to understand and stand in opposition to bankrupt liberalism and the monsters it breeds around the world; and finally, to all the rest who are in search of a real way forward out of the misery and decay of the present world, which is the world imposed by capitalism and imperialism,We say: Don’t despair! Because a new period has commenced, a new party of the proletariat has been forged!”.
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Harsh Thakor is freelance journalist

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हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

0 - प्रमोद रंजन  भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

રામનવમીના દિવસે મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને વિસ્તારોને અસામાજિક તત્વોથી રક્ષણ આપવી

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  પોલિસ મહાનિદેશક, ગુજરાત, ને આવનારા રામનવમીના તહેવારમાં નીકળતા જુલૂસમાં આવતા અસામાજિક તત્વોથી મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને મુસ્લિમ વિસ્તારોના રક્ષણ બાબત પત્ર:  આપ જાણો છો કે આવનારી 17મી એપ્રિલ ના રોજ રામનવમીનો તહેવાર છે. પાછલા વર્ષોના અનુભવ દ્વારા આપણે જાણીએ છીએ કે હિન્દુ ધાર્મિક તહેવારો મુસ્લિમોને હેરાન કરવા અને તેમના ધાર્મિક સ્થળો તેમજ દુકાનો મકાનોને નુકસાન કરવા માટેના માધ્યમ બની ગયા છે. 

सुप्रीम कोर्ट का चिकित्सा की दुनिया में बाबाओं की मनमानी को रोकने का प्रयास सराहनीय

- राम पुनियानी*  पिछले कुछ दशकों में भारत में कई बाबाओं का उदय हुआ है. इसके पहले भी बाबा हुआ करते थे मगर इन दिनों बाबाओं का जितना राजनैतिक और सामाजिक दबदबा है, उतना पहले शायद कभी नहीं रहा. कई बाबा अनेक तरह के काले कामों में लिप्त भी पाए गए हैं मगर उनकी दैवीय छवि के चलते उनके अपराधों को नज़रअंदाज़ किया जाता रहा है. 

18થી નાની ઉંમરના 1,15,129 બાળકો શાળા બહાર? વાસ્તવિક આંકડો 15-20 ગણો વધું

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ई.वी.एम. के खिलाफ सत्याग्रह क्यों? मतपत्र वापस लाना आज क्यों ज़रूरी हो गया है?

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प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ के स्थापना दिवस पर फिलिस्तीनी जनता के साथ एकजुटता

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