सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Land acquisition: Temporary gains force marginalized communities to put off protests

By Rajiv Shah
One of the major issues nagging civil society in Gujarat is that marginalized communities of the state are failing to get mobilized against land acquisition for industrial use, as in other states. A senior scholar, Prof Amita Shah, director, Gujarat Institute of Development Research (GIDR), Ahmedabad, has noted, “Whereas diversion (through acquisition or otherwise) of land from agriculture to other uses has generally been marked by protests, there have been situations where local communities have welcomed such developments.” In Gujarat, she adds, “resistance to diversion of land for industry-infrastructural development has, by and large, been fairly low or dormant – at least till recently.”
To investigate the phenomenon, in her research paper, “Mainstreaming or Marginalisation? Evidence from Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in Gujarat”, Prof Shah carried out a primary survey of households of seven villages from where land was obtained for the development of three SEZs – two each in Mundra and Reliance, and three in Dahej. Her idea was to see if “the people, including the rural poor, see potential livelihood gains from the process of industrial growth”, and whether people face problems such as “long gestation periods and limited employment opportunities; skill requirements leading to the exclusion of local workers; the preference for docile migrant workers and other socio-cultural factors; dignity of work; the sustainability of livelihood bases; and pricing/ compensation mechanisms.”
Mundra SEZ, Kutch district: In the survey villages Luni and Navinal, 75 per cent (379 of 495) of the households were landless, including those from the fishing communities. Only 23 of the 116 households had land and had access to irrigation. Nearly 80 per cent of the scheduled caste (SC) and other backward class (OBC) households were landless. The survey showed that 72 per cent of the respondents knew that land was of be acquired for the SEZ. But “since agricultural land was not involved, the loss of livelihood from agriculture was not a major concern among households in the two villages”, comments the scholar.
Only nine households reported that they had lost a part of their land, which they had received earlier from the state during redistribution of revenue land. A large majority of the respondents, barring the fishing communities, did not report any adverse impact owing to the loss of gauchar (pasture) land. In all, the households in the survey villages had 2,621 persons, of whom 1,098 (42 per cent) were in the workforce. Cultivation, agricultural labour, and livestock together occupied only a small proportion (18 per cent) of the workers in the villages.
Fishery workers accounted for 32 per cent of the total. Of the 136 households belonging to fishing communities, 41 (30.1 per cent) said that they may have to give up fishing because of the loss of access to fishing sites. Casual work accounted for about 28 per cent of the main workers. In all, 112 workers (10 per cent) reported that their occupations had direct links with the activities at the SEZ. On the likely employment scenario in the next five to 10 years, only 22 per cent felt that there would be an increase in employment in industrial units as more units began functioning in the SEZ. Almost a similar proportion (23.8 per cent) reported a likely increase in transportation-related jobs.
Among the various environmental effects, 40 per cent of the respondents felt that the SEZ would have an adverse impact on mangroves in general, and on the fishing catch in particular. Only a small minority reported an increase in soil salinity or depletion of the water table due to the SEZ. Prof Shah says, “These observations bring out two important aspects. First, the fishing community is clearly a loser in the process of developing the SEZ. Second, most of the households from the non-fishing communities do not seem to have much of an idea about the likely effects the SEZ will have, though some of them expect new employment opportunities once the SEZ starts operating at full scale.”
Dahej SEZ, Bharuch district: Here, the Gujarat Industrial Development Corporation (GIDC), which acquired land from 44 villages to set up the SEZ, including the survey villages of Ambheta, Jolva and Vadadala, paid up to Rs 17.3 lakh per ha, which is seen as a premium price in the local land market. Nearly 150 households in the three villages had received this price for their land. At the time of the survey, land had still not been fully acquired, and many farmers were cultivating it.
Scheduled castes (13 per cent) and scheduled tribes (29 per cent) comprised 42 per cent of the households, and 36 per cent of them were landless. Of the 292 households that had land at the time of the survey, 265 did not have access to irrigation, suggesting low economic returns from it. As many as 34 per cent of the landed households reported an absence of irrigation or salinity as their main reason for selling land, whereas 52 per cent said that they had to give up their land due to the acquisition.
Industrial growth in the region, among other factors, had resulted in a steep rise in the price of agricultural land in Jolva and Vadadala. “This may have provided an incentive to several farmers to sell off their land to the GIDC”, says Prof Shah. On probing, nearly 85 per cent of the respondents indicated higher prices as a reason for having agreed to the acquisition. Of those who reported selling land, 15 per cent had purchased another piece of land, whereas several were planning to buy agricultural land in the near future. Most of the land purchased by these farmers was irrigated.
When asked about their change in the economic status, one-third of the households said their incomes increased after they sold off their land. Besides, 57.1 per cent reported having created assets in the form of houses, vehicles and land. While more than 60 per cent of the households reported that they had lost land, more or less the same proportion said that they had secured new employment, and also that there had been an improvement in infrastructural facilities/amenities. Nearly 56 per cent reported a loss of livestock or fishing. Of these, 24 per cent reported an adverse effect on income from livestock due to diversion of common land for the SEZ. Only a small minority, 43 households, reported there had been long-term migration from their families.
Reliance SEZ (Jamnagar district): The land for setting up the SEZ was purchased by Reliance Industries Ltd (RIL) from five villages – Kanalus, Derachhikri, Navagam, K anachhikri and Padana. A primary survey of 377 households was carried out in Kanalus (187) and Derachhikri (190) villages. Unlike in the villages in Mundra and Dahej, agriculture was quite good and remunerative here owing to relatively better access to irrigation and the cultivation of high-value crops such as groundnut and cotton.
Of the 377 households, 74 per cent had access to irrigation facilities. A rough estimate suggests that one hectare of irrigated area under cotton yielded a net return of Rs 30,000 at the time of the survey in 2010. In addition, there may have been benefits in terms of a post-rabi crop and/or fodder. Losing such productive land was a major loss not only to individual households but also the region. Several of the farmers have already bought land in nearby villages. As many as 243 (64.4 per cent) households owned land before the acquisition. The proportion of landlessness was very high (nearly 58 per cent) among the OBCs. Many of the households sold land with irrigation.
“Nevertheless a large number of them reported that they had benefited from the significantly high land prices paid by the company. Since several of them had already purchased new land, their economic status seemed to have improved”, Prof Shah comments. Thus, about 36 per cent still continued to have cultivation as its main occupation. About 20 per cent reported livestock as their main occupation. Direct salaried employment in industry was reported by 6.4 per cent, while 11.5 per cent were self-employed. Of the latter, several had opened small shops in the villages. In addition, renting out houses and shops was an important source of income to a few households in the two villages.
Outmigration, especially to Jamnagar and Lalpur, was a widely prevalent phenomenon. For instance, in Kanalus, 30 of the 187 households (16 per cent) had shifted out of the village and only visited it occasionally. Most of them did so in search of work in industries and services in the city/town. Several of the landless households, especially in Derachhikri, had benefited from non-farm employment in transport, security, and casual labour.
The adverse impact on livestock was linked to the loss of pasture land in the study villages. Many of these households were likely to either shift to other locations, or reduce the size of their herds. About 80-82per cent anticipated a decline in income from livestock in the future. Only a handful of the households (17.2 per cent) reported having got direct employment in RIL. This was a major source of discontent among the village communities, who felt most of the newly created jobs had gone to people from outside.
A majority of the respondents reported adverse effects in terms of loss of income from livestock (82.5 per cent), declining quality of drinking water (70 per cent), increased soil salinity (45.4 per cent), and loss of agricultural land (49 per cent). Against this, 60 per cent reported benefits from increased land prices (Table 6). Of 243 landed households, 86 (about 35 per cent) had already purchased agricultural land, and 24 (10 per cent) were planning to purchase land in the near future.
Pollution damaging crops and the quality of life was reported as an adverse impact, especially within a radius of five km of the RIL plant. Several of the farmers who had lost their land had purchased new parcels of land in this area. There was also a fair amount of apprehension about the damage that may be caused to the marine ecology by chemical effluents.
Prof Shah comments, “Overall, communities in the region, including farmers, have gained substantial economic benefits and have also made investments in land and other assets. But it has also brought with it several negative implications. After not being adequately informed and not being prepared to shift their economic base and physical location, a large part of the village communities are at a loss about shaping their lives in a rapidly changing socio-economic milieu. Voicelessness is a major impediment in a transient situation such as this.”

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

0 - प्रमोद रंजन  भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

રામનવમીના દિવસે મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને વિસ્તારોને અસામાજિક તત્વોથી રક્ષણ આપવી

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  પોલિસ મહાનિદેશક, ગુજરાત, ને આવનારા રામનવમીના તહેવારમાં નીકળતા જુલૂસમાં આવતા અસામાજિક તત્વોથી મુસ્લિમ ધાર્મિક સ્થળો અને મુસ્લિમ વિસ્તારોના રક્ષણ બાબત પત્ર:  આપ જાણો છો કે આવનારી 17મી એપ્રિલ ના રોજ રામનવમીનો તહેવાર છે. પાછલા વર્ષોના અનુભવ દ્વારા આપણે જાણીએ છીએ કે હિન્દુ ધાર્મિક તહેવારો મુસ્લિમોને હેરાન કરવા અને તેમના ધાર્મિક સ્થળો તેમજ દુકાનો મકાનોને નુકસાન કરવા માટેના માધ્યમ બની ગયા છે. 

18થી નાની ઉંમરના 1,15,129 બાળકો શાળા બહાર? વાસ્તવિક આંકડો 15-20 ગણો વધું

- સુખદેવ પટેલ*  16 એપ્રિલથી સમગ્ર ગુજરાતમાં શાળા બહારના 6 થી 19 વર્ષની ઉંમરના બાળકોનો સર્વે શરૂ થયો છે.  જે 26 એપ્રિલ સુધી ચાલશે. જેની જવાબદારી સરકારી શાળાના શિક્ષકોને સોંપવામાં આવી છે. અત્યારે પ્રાથમિક શાળાઓમાં વાર્ષિક પરીક્ષાઓ ચાલી રહી છે. લોકસભાની ચૂંટણીઓના કામ પણ શિક્ષકોને ભાગે કરવાના આવશે. શિક્ષકો કેટલું કરી શક્શે? શિક્ષકો પાસેથી વ્યાજબી રીતે કેટલી અપેક્ષાઓ રાખવી જોઈએ? RTE ની જોગવાઈઓ મુજબ દરેક બાળક શિક્ષણ મેળવી શકે, તે માટે શાળા બહારના બાળકોને સર્વે કરીને શોધી કાઢવાનું ઉમદા કામ સરકાર વિચારે છે, તે આવકારદાયક છે. આવાં ઉત્તમ કામમાં જેમને સીધો લાભ થવાનો છે,  તેવાં હિતધારકોની પ્રતિનિધિ સમિતિ SMC સ્કૂલ મેનેજમેન્ટ કમિટી આ જવાબદારી સારી રીતે ઉપાડી શકે તેમ છે. શિક્ષણ વિભાગ SSA તરફથી આ કામગીરીમાં SMC ની ભાગીદારીનું આયોજન કરીને યોગ્ય માર્ગદર્શિકા તૈયાર કરવી જોઈએ.

प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ के स्थापना दिवस पर फिलिस्तीनी जनता के साथ एकजुटता

- हरनाम सिंह, सारिका श्रीवास्तव  "मत रो बच्चे  तू मुस्काएगा तो शायद  सारे इक दिन भेस बदल कर  तुझसे खेलने लौट आएंगे" - फ़ैज़ अहमद फ़ैज़ प्रगतिशील लेखक संघ (प्रलेसं) की इंदौर इकाई ने अपना स्थापना दिवस (9 अप्रैल) फिलिस्तीनी जनता के संघर्ष के नाम समर्पित किया। अभिनव कला समाज सभागार में आयोजित इस कार्यक्रम में कलाकारों ने फिलिस्तीन कवियों के गीत गाए, उनके संघर्षों पर केंद्रित कविताओं का वाचन किया, फिलिस्तीनी चित्रकारों के चित्रों का पावर पॉइंट प्रजेंटेशन और उसकी व्याख्या की। वक्ताओं ने इजराइल द्वारा फिलिस्तीनी जनता पर ढ़ाए जा रहे जुल्मों की तुलना हिटलर के अत्याचारों से की।

વિચારોના પ્રદૂષણનું ઉત્તમ ઉદાહરણ: વડાપ્રધાનની આટલી સ્તુતિ કરનારને લેખક કહી શકાય?

- રમેશ સવાણી   ગુણવંત શાહે 6 એપ્રિલ 2024ના રોજ ‘દિવ્યભાસ્કર’ની પોતાની કોલમમાં લખ્યું છે : “અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એને કેવળ લોકોના ભલામાં જ રસ છે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એને માટે કાયમ ‘નેશન ફર્સ્ટ’ છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માને કે શું કરવું એ અંગે એ બિલકુલ સ્પષ્ટ છે, ક્યાંય અવઢવ નથી. એટલું તો માનો કે નેતા તરીકે એ સૌથી મોખરે છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એ દેશને હૃદયથી પ્રેમ કરે છે ! એટલું તો અ‌વશ્ય માનો કે વિદેશી નેતાઓ એને ભેટવાની ઉતાવળ કરે છે ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે એના પરિવારમાં કોઇ વાડેરા નથી ! અરે ! એટલું તો માનો કે બિલ ગેટ્સ જેવું બ્રેન ગણાતા વ્યક્તિ સાથે ચર્ચા કરતી વખતે પૂરો આત્મવિશ્વાસ ધરાવીને ડિજિટલ રિવોલ્યૂશન અને આર્ટિફિશિયલ ઇન્ટેલિજન્સ પર ચર્ચા કરી શકે છે ! કેટલાક માણસો ઇતિહાસનાં સંતાનો હોય છે ખરા, પણ તેઓ નિયતિનાં સંતાનો નથી હોતાં. આવા લોકો પાસે એક વિઝન હોય છે, જે અન્ય પાસે હોતું નથી. આવા લોકોને ત્રણ ભેટ જીવનભર મળતી રહે છે. વિરોધ, નિંદા અને ઇર્ષ્યા. આવા જ નમૂનાઓ ગેરસમજનો જ્થ્થાબંધ વૈભવ પામે છે.  સ્પિનોઝા નામનો ચિંતક ઘરની બહાર નીકળી શકતો ન હતો. એ ચિંતકના વિચારો એવા હતા કે લોકોને ગુસ્સો આવ

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic. 

स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं को मजबूत करने के बजाय बीमा आधारित सेवाओं को प्राथमिकता क्यों?

- राष्ट्रीय स्वास्थ्य अधिकार अभियान  वैश्विक स्तर पर “विश्व स्वास्थ्य दिवस” इस साल “हमारा स्वास्थ्य, हमारा अधिकार” की अवधारणा को केन्द्रित कर मनाया जा रहा है। इस उपलक्ष्य में राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर स्वास्थ्य अधिकार संघर्ष को मजबूत करने के लिए, संवैधानिक और नीतिगत रूप में स्वास्थ्य को मौलिक अधिकार बनाने के लिए, स्वास्थ्य के विभिन्न आयामों को लोगों के हक के लिए संगठित करने, जागरूक करने और स्वास्थ्य के मानकों पर कार्य करने हेतु तथा सरकार को जनता के प्रति जिम्मेदार बनाने हेतु जन आंदोलनों के राष्ट्रीय समन्वय ने स्वास्थ्य अधिकार अभियान के माध्यम से जनता के पक्ष को मजबूत करने के लिए राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर स्वास्थ्य अधिकार के मुद्दे पर सक्रिय रूप से कार्य करेगा।