सीधे मुख्य सामग्री पर जाएं

Education and Union Budget: No talk about multidisciplinary research, humanities

By IMPRI Team
 
The #IMPRI Center for ICT for Development (CICTD), Impact and Policy Research Institute (IMPRI), New Delhi, hosted an interactive panel discussion on the topic “Education and Union Budget 2023-24”, on February 5, 2023, under the IMPRI 3rd Annual Series of Thematic Deliberations and Analysis of Union Budget 2023-24, as part of IMPRI #WebPolicyTalk. The discussion was chaired and moderated by Dr Sachidanand Sinha, Retired Professor of JNU, New Delhi and Visiting Professor at IMPRI.
The session was inaugurated by Ms Zubiya Moin, a researcher at IMPRI, who welcomed and gave a brief introduction to the chair and panelists of the discussion. The Panelists for the discussion included Prof Mona Khare, Professor and Head of Department of Educational Finance, National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration (NIEPA), New Delhi; Dr Suresh Y Reddy, Director, SRF Foundation, Gurugram; Professor Soumen Chattopadhyay, Chairperson of Zakir Husain Centre for Educational Studies, JNU; Advocate Anubha Srivastav Sahay, President, India Wide Parents Association, and Child Rights Activist and Dr Protiva Kundu, Thematic lead, Social Sectors, Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability, New Delhi.
Initiating the discussion, Dr Sinha said although the impetus given to teachers’ training in this Budget is encouraging, yet we do not have much idea or figures about how DIET (District Institute of Education and Training), is actually providing academic and resource support at the grassroots level. Also there is no clarity on allocation about tribal education and questions remain on provisioning of the schemes within the budgetary framework.
Laying down bare statistics, Dr Protiva Kundu highlighted that 67% of schools in India have functional electricity and its connection ranges from about 25% in Manipur to 100 % in Delhi. Only 16% of schools have digital access and barely 1.2% of schools have digital libraries. And about 40% of teachers have computer literacy. She talked about prioritizing three things before fund allocation and beginning new schemes, these being the Analysis of the Current Socio-Economic Situation, the Scenario likely to Prevail in the Future, and the Direction which Education is taking. Other priority areas being Inclusive Development and Reaching Out to the Last Mile.
Focusing on the size of school education, Dr Kundu informed that there are 15 lakh schools, 27 crore students and 95 lakh teachers in government schools in India. Although this year’s Budget has set aside ₹1.12 lakh crore for education — said to be the highest ever allocation and an increase of around 8.2% over 2022-23 budgetary provisions, yet there are several lacunae.
Dr Kundu pointed out that the additional money would go to the Kendriya Vidyalayas, Navodaya Vidyalayas, and the PM Shree Schools, which are supposed to be exemplary schools to implement the NEP, so the focus is primarily on the central government’s model schools. But these cater to only about 21 lakh students leaving about the 15 crore students in government schools in their prior dismal state. Although these students are covered under Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) which is also a vehicle for NEP, focused on fundamental literacy and numeracy, there has been drastic degeneration in reading and mathematical ability due to the pandemic in the last two years.
Dr Kundu said the government is now going to go for result-based financing for select schemes. But for educational schemes, we have not reached the stage where we can link outcomes with finance. Talking further about the revised SSA guidelines, she mentioned that provisions have been made for in-service teachers training in a blended form that is both online and office. But there are reservations about online training. Considering the socio-economic situation in different parts of India, accessing basic education should be made more important than accessing online education. This thrust on digitisation for school education should now be utilised for administrative work rather than for teaching, according to Dr Kundu.
Another important lapse in the Budget is the stopping the pre-matric scholarship for students of class 1 to 8 based on the argument of elementary education being already free. However, she stressed on the need for scholarships to reach the last mile and to create a level playing field because their are still expenses incurred on purchasing books and notebooks.
Echoing her thoughts, Dr Suresh Y Reddy said the digitization of schools and their curriculum is welcome but schools require digital infrastructure, internet connectivity, LCDs, Monitors, and enhanced teacher capability to become functional. But the government has levied GST from 18% to 28 % for procurement of IT equipment which is a hindrance. And no provision has been made for waiving off GST in this Budget. Waiving off GST would bring more money into the system and more e-content and development of software can be advanced.
Apart from GST, Dr Reddy pointed out in the last decade, annual school education growth rate has been a mere 2% while annual growth in higher education has been 6%, i.e., actual spending is not enough. So in every aspect of schooling, there is a deficit. And there is a dire need to remodel the DIET. Also Rs 25000 crore CSR Budget is available which can be utilized to build up model schools. So leveraging corporates’ help can transform school education but the Budget is not saying anything on this aspect.
Touching upon the vocationalisation of education, Dr Soumen Chattopadhyay said the enrolment in vocational education is aimed at 50% by 2025 and the gross enrolment ratio is targeted at 50% by 2030. There is also an emphasis on digitization which means there is bound to be a fall in average cost, and the Budget would not commensurately grow with the rise in the enrolment ratio.
Speaking on skilling India, Dr Chattopadhya said there has been a budgetary increase of 12.5%, basically due to the National Apprenticeship Training Scheme (NATS) but it is linked with MSME, which are currently not doing very well. There is also an intent showing in the Budget that individuals and institutions should borrow, spend and fund their own education, if it is to compete with the world class Universities. If this concept is being proposed, there is bound to be an increase in tuition fees. Also there is no funding for research and innovation.
Thinking on the same line, Dr Mona Khare said there is literally no talk about multi-disciplinary universities, research universities, social sciences and humanities subjects. She said this year’s Budget focuses mainly on Engineering, Technology, Medical and Nursing sectors but there is little continuity on vocationalisation of higher education in this Budget, although it has been the major thrust point of NEP.
Talking about the revenue component of higher education, Dr Khare said the higher education institutes have depended on HEFA (Higher Education Financing Agency) but from the last Budget there has been a fall in HEFA allocation and this Budget does not talk about HEFA at all.
Dr Khare questioned whether the government now believes that our higher education sector has reached a certain threshold in good quality infrastructure and does not need any more funding or whether are we going to leave out public institutions to the markets. The underlying thought is that public institutions should manage 30% of their expenditure on their own.
She also stressed that NEP has vociferously talked about inclusion and equity but this Budget does not talk about Socio-Economic Disadvantaged Groups (SEDG), transgender or gifted children. Also, there has been no talk about training teachers in the higher education sector. Also, there has been under-utilization of funds in most schemes.
Advocate Anubha Srivastava touched upon access, equity, quality and accountability under the NEP and emphasized the dearth of funds and aid for school education. She also said mentoring of schemes is an important part of the process.
After a question and answer session, the program concluded with closing remarks by Dr. Sachidanand Sinha , who thanked and praised the team at the IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute for hosting a successful panel discussion and for ensuring the smooth functioning of the event. The event was concluded with a final vote of thanks by Ms. Zubiya Moin on behalf of the IMPRI Center for ICT for Development (CICTD).
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Acknowledgement: Jiyan Roytalukdar, a researcher at IMPRI

टिप्पणियाँ

ट्रेंडिंग

हिंदी आलोचना जैसे पिछड़ चुके अनुशासन की जगह हिंदी वैचारिकी का विकास जरूरी

- प्रमोद रंजन*   भारतीय राजनीति में सांप्रदायिक व प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों को सत्ता तक पहुंचाने में हिंदी पट्टी का सबसे बड़ा योगदान है। इसका मुख्य कारण हिंदी-पट्टी में कार्यरत समाजवादी व जनपक्षधर हिरावल दस्ते का विचारहीन, अनैतिक और  प्रतिक्रियावादी होते जाना है। अगर हम उपरोक्त बातों को स्वीकार करते हैं, तो कुछ रोचक निष्कर्ष निकलते हैं। हिंदी-जनता और उसके हिरावल दस्ते को विचारहीन और प्रतिक्रियावादी बनने से रोकने की मुख्य ज़िम्मेदारी किसकी थी?

नफरती बातें: मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा का भाव बढ़ रहा है, वे अपने मोहल्लों में सिमट रहे हैं

- राम पुनियानी*  भारत पर पिछले 10 सालों से हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) राज कर रही है. भाजपा आरएसएस परिवार की सदस्य है और आरएसएस का लक्ष्य है हिन्दू राष्ट्र का निर्माण. आरएसएस से जुड़ी सैंकड़ों संस्थाएँ हैं. उसके लाखों, बल्कि शायद, करोड़ों स्वयंसेवक हैं. इसके अलावा कई हजार वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता हैं जिन्हें प्रचारक कहा जाता है. भाजपा के सत्ता में आने के बाद से आरएसएस दुगनी गति से हिन्दू राष्ट्र के निर्माण के अपने एजेण्डे को पूरा करने में जुट गया है. यदि भाजपा को चुनावों में लगातार सफलता हासिल हो रही है तो उसका कारण है देश में साम्प्रदायिकता और साम्प्रदायिक मुद्दों का बढ़ता बोलबाला. इनमें से कुछ हैं राम मंदिर, गौमांस और गोवध एवं लव जिहाद. 

देशव्यापी ग्रामीण भारत बंध में उतरे मध्य प्रदेश के आदिवासी, किया केंद्र सरकार का विरोध

- हरसिंग जमरे, भिखला सोलंकी, रतन अलावे*  15 और 16 फरवरी को निमाड के बड़वानी, खरगोन और बुरहानपुर में जागृत आदिवासी दलित संगठन के नेतृत्व में आदिवासी महिला-पुरुषों ग्रामीण भारत बंद में रैली एवं विरोध प्रदर्शन किया । प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा 2014 में फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने का वादा किया गया था, 2016 में किसानों की आय दुगना करने का वादा किया गया था । आज, फसलों का दाम नहीं बढ़ रहा है, लेकिन खेती में खर्च बढ़ता जा रहा है! खाद, बीज और दवाइयों का दाम, तीन-चार गुना बढ़ चुका है! किसानों को लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव देने के बजाए, खेती को कंपनियों के हवाले करने के लिए 3 काले कृषि कानून लाए गए । 3 काले कानून वापस लेते समय प्रधान मंत्री ने फिर वादा किया था कि फसलों की लागत का डेढ़ गुना भाव की कानूनी गारंटी के लिए कानून बनाएँगे, लेकिन वो भी झूठ निकला! आज जब देश के किसान दिल्ली में आपको अपना वादा याद दिलाने आए है, तब आप उनका रास्ता रोक रहें है, उनके साथ मारपीट कर उन पर आँसू गैस फेंक रहें हैं, उन पर छर्रों से फायरिंग कर रहें है! देश को खिलाने वाला किसान खुद भूखा रहे, क्या यही विकास है?

હું બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીથી ચૂંટણી લડ્યો. મારા કડવા અનુભવ: સુરતનાં બનાવોના પરિપ્રેક્ષ્યમાં

- વાલજીભાઈ પટેલ  બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટીના સુરતના બનાવ પછી પાર્ટીના લાગણીશીલ નિરાશ યુવા મિત્રોને માર્ગદર્શન મળે તે માટે મેં અનુભવેલો કડવો પ્રસંગ લખવો મને જરૂરી લાગે છે. એટલે લખી રહ્યો છું. આમ તો મને લખવાની આદત નથી. હું તો લડનાર માણસ છું.

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on.

70 पर्यावरण, युवा, वन नागरिक समूहों की अपील: प्रकृति, लोकतंत्र व युवा भविष्य के लिए वोट करें

- जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन   देश भर से, 70 से अधिक पर्यावरण, युवा, वन और नागरिक समूहों ने 2024 चुनाव से पहले देश की जनता को अपील जारी करते हुए कहा कि, हम यह सुनिश्चित करें कि हमारे वोट से, प्रकृति की रक्षा, सभी नागरिकों के लिए संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकार और भारत के युवाओं के लिए एक सुरक्षित भविष्य प्राप्त हो। अपीलकर्ता समूहों की सूची ऊपर एवं इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध हैं।

વન નેશન વન રાશન કાર્ડ યોજના: સ્થળાંતરીત મજૂરોને રાશન લેવા જાય તો રાશન મળતું નથી

- પંક્તી જોગ* ગુજરાતનો રાશન કાર્ડ નો અપડેટેડ ડેટા આ સાથે બિડેલ છે. તેના કેટલાક મહત્વના મુદ્દાઓ આ છે: રાષ્ટ્રીય અન્ન સુરક્ષા કાયદો 2013 માં કરેલ જોગવાઈ મુજબ ગ્રામ્ય વિસ્તારની 75% અને શહરી વિસ્તારની 50% જનસંખ્યાને સસ્તા દરે રાશન પૂરું પાડી શકાય. ગુજરાતમાં હાલમાં 77,70,470 રાશન કાર્ડ અન્ન સુરક્ષા હેઠળ આવરી લીધેલ છે તેવું NFSA પોર્ટલના RC રિપોર્ટ દ્વારા જાણવા મળે છે.

न नौकरियाँ, न पर्याप्त मजदूरी, न राहत: अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों के लिए मोदी की विरासत

- प्रतिनिधि द्वारा  भारत में वास्तविक मज़दूरी 2014-15 के बाद से नहीं बढ़ी है, जबकि देश की जीडीपी जरूर बेहतर हुई है। इस दौरान देश की सामाजिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था भी थम सी गई है। देश के अनौपचारिक श्रमिकों का जीवन बेहद अनिश्चित है, खासकर झारखंड जैसे राज्यों में जहां अनौपचारिक रोजगार लाखों लोगों की आजीविका का मुख्य स्रोत है।

કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે DGP ને પત્ર

- મુજાહિદ નફીસ*  કચ્છ અને અમદાવાદમાં થયેલ મોબ લીંચિંગ અને મોબ વાયોલન્સ ઘટના બાબતે  DGP ને પત્ર લખી ને ગડશીશા કેસમાં IPC ની 307, 302 કલમોનો ઉમેરો કરવામાં આવે અને ગડશીશા પોલિસ ઇન્સ્પેક્ટર અને PSI શ્રીઓ ની ન્યાયહિતમાં તાત્કાલિક જિલ્લા બાહર બદલી કરવામાં આવે જેવી માંગણી કરવામાં આવી.

Laxmanpur Bathe massacre: Perfect example of proto-fascist Brahmanical social order

By Harsh Thakor  The massacre at Laxmanpur-Bathe of Jehanabad in Bihar on the night of 1 December in 1997 was a landmark event with distinguishing features .The genocide rightly shook the conscience of the nation in the 50th year of Indian independence. The scale of the carnage was unparalleled in any caste massacre. It was a perfect manifestation of how in essence the so called neo-liberal state was in essence most autocratic.